08 December 2006

1266) Social And Economic Life Of Cypriot Armenians In The 18th Century

Assoc. Prof Dr. Ali Efdal ÖZKUL
Near East University Faculty of Education / Nicosia / Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus

Cypriot Armenian history goes back to the Byzantine times1. During the Lusignan period in Cyprus (1119-1489), there was an Armenian area in the capital of Nicosia2. In the beginning of the 14th century, there was a trade relationship between the Italian states (Venice and Ceneviz), the Kingdom of Cyprus under the Lusignans, and Kilikya Armenians3. The Cypriot Armenian family tree relies on Kilikya, Syria, and Iranian-Armenians (Ermeni-i Acem)4. The Armenian society’s leaders were archbishops, who lived on the island of Cyprus and were related to .

1 T. Papadopoullos, Social and Historical Data on Population (1570-1881), Nicosia 1965, p. 87.
2 R. C. Jennings, Christians and Muslims in Ottoman Cyprus and the Mediterranean World, 1571-1640, New York 1993, p.165.
3 M. A. Erdoğru, “Kıbrıs Ermenileri Üzerine Notlar (1580-1640)”, Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi, XXII/1, İzmir 2002, 2.
4 Erdoğru, “Kıbrıs Ermenileri Üzerine Notlar”, 2 vd.; A. E. Özkul, Kıbrıs’ın Sosyo-Ekonomik Tarihi 1726-1750, İstanbul 2005, s. 278 vd.; KŞS, 17/31-2. (Cyprus Sheri Register, first of all a book number was given then a page number and a judgement number were determined respectively. The references to the registers was done this way.)


the Armenian patriarch in Istanbul5. During this period, Meryem Mother Church in Nicosia was close to the area of Karamanî-zâde.6 There is court recording made by a judge which says that Armenians lived in this area as well as in many areas of Nicosia but mainly in the Ermeniyan7 (Ermeniye, Ermeni) area8. According to the 1572 census, there were eight districts in the Cypriot capital of Nicosia, and one of these districts was Armenian. According to the same census only 8% of the population in Nicosia was Armenian9. The Armenian religious building in Cyprus, the Megara (Saint Makar) Monastery in Kyrenia, had been built for the Armenian people to have a holy place of worship10. Sources show that after the conquest by the Ottomans in 1571, there were a few Armenian families among the people who were sent to Cyprus11. During the first quarter of the 17th century, Iranian-Armenians came to the island for trading silk and settled down12.

As in all the Ottoman Empire courts, any non-Muslims who applied to the Nicosia courts were addressed according to the religious groups to which they belonged. For example, non-Muslim men had names such as Zimmi13, Ermeni14, Yahudi,15 or Nasraniye (Nasara)16, and non-Muslim

5 KŞS, 16/29-1.
6 KŞS, 14/46-1.
7 KŞS, 16/3-2.
8 KŞS, 20/47-2; KŞS, 21/84-2; N. Çevikel, “18. Yüzyıl Osmanlı Kıbrısı’nda Ermenilerin Durumuna Dair Bazı Tespitler”, Yeni Türkiye 7/38, Mart-Nisan 2001 Ankara, s. 711.
9 R. C. Jennings, “The Population, Taxation and Wealth In The Cities And Villages of Cyprus, According To The Detailed Population Survey (Defter-i Mufassal) Of 1572”, Journal of Turkish Studies, 1986, X, 176 vd.
10 KŞS, 17/65-1.
11 M. A. Erdoğru, “Kıbrıs’ın Türkler tarafından Fethi ve İlk İskân Teşebbüsü (1570-1571)”, Kıbrıs’ın Dünü-Bugünü Uluslararası Sempozyumu (28 Ekim-2 Kasım 1991) Tebliğleri, Ankara 1993, s. 48.
12 Erdoğru, “Kıbrıs Ermenileri Üzerine Notlar”, 3.
13 KŞS, 13/124-3.
14 KŞS, 17/106-4.
15 KŞS, 16/205-1.
16 KŞS, 14/14-1.


women had names such as Zimmiye17, Nasraniye18 and Ermeniye19. The researchers who have studied this topic claim that the names Zimmi and Zimmiye were used for Orthodox people who lived in Cyprus, and Nasar and Nasraniye were used for the Latin Christian people20. Cypriot Armenians appeared in court records in cases mainly regarding money topics including poll taxes and employment records.

As the Armenian priests were representatives of the Armenian people, they were often held accountable for their debts. In the year of 1153 (1740/41), es-Seyyid Veli ibn-i Mehmed, who actually came from Urfa but lived on the island of Cyprus in Nicosia, loaned 300 kurus to a man called Karakaş Muhtar. However, he could not find Karakaş to get his money back. As a result, he demanded the money from the Armenian priest, Kirkor veled-i Librares because Karakaş had claimed that Kirkor had been his representative. Kirkor determined that he was not a representative to anyone and was asked to swear whether what he said was true or not. The Priest swore “ala vefku’l-mes’ul yemin billahi ellezi enzele’l-Incil ala Isa aleyhi’s-selam,” and as a result, Veli lost his court case21. It was unclear from the records if the priest in question was the leader and Archbishop of the Armenian Cypriots or just an ordinary district priest.

During 18th century, there were five register records related to the Armenian leaders who were archbishops. These records indicate that a lot of power was given to the archbishops who were appointed in Cyprus. Agop (Hagop Nalyan)22, who was the Patriarch in and around Istanbul, made a petition to Divan-ı Hümayun and requested that the priest Virtaş be appointed to replace Archbishop Arotin. Arotin had been the Armenian Archbishop of the Meryem Ana Church in Nicosia and the

17 KŞS, 14/33-2; KŞS, 15/43-5; KŞS, 4/197-1.
18 KŞS, 13/122-1.
19 KŞS, 15/9-6.
20 Jennings, age, p. 149; R. Dündar, Kıbrıs Beylerbeyliği (1570-1670), İnönü Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Eğitimi Anabilim Dalı,Yayımlanmamış Doktora Tezi, Malatya 1998, s. 397.
21 KŞS, 15/96-3.
22 K. Pamukciyan, “Onsekizinci Yüzyılda Patrik Basmaciyan’a Verilen Cülus Fermanı”, Tarih ve Toplum, XV/88 (1991), 38.



Megara Monastery in Kyrenia. After his death, the Armenian Cypriots, who were dependent on the Patriarch in Istanbul, Istanbul appointed the priest Virtas as the Cyprus Armenian’s Archbishop in 1156 (1743) and demanded 1,000 akcelik miri peşkeş23 (8 Cemaziyelevvel)24. At the time of the appointment, the Greek Cypriot leader, who was a Bishop, had most of the authority in Cyprus, although the same kind of authority was generally exercised by the Armenian Archbishop.

A survey of the rights and responsibilities given to the Armenian people, priests and archbishops are as follows. Nobody could interfere with the archbishop’s decisions or ideas. He decided if a priest lost or got a job. The province monks could not perform the ritual of marriage if the archbishop decided the situation was not suitable. If a zimmiye woman ran away or divorced her husband, nobody could interfere apart from an archbishop. No one who worked as a missionary could involve themselves in an Armenian marriage, divorce, or disagreement between two women if the problem was solved according to their will. The inheritances of Karabaş, Marabelet (keşişe avrat/nuns) and the priests who died in an archbishop’s district were done by their Armenian priests, and the state officials (beytülmal emini veya kassamlar) stayed out of these affairs. In addition, the missionaries who died and other Armenian women (zimmiye) could use their last will and testament to take their inheritance from the archbishop and the church. The Armenian priests had the responsibility of punishing those in their communities who committed crimes and sinned against others. Finally, the people had the right to leave their property and belongings to the church without interference from the outside25.

The records in 18. Century, indicate that there was a lot of bickering for the position of archbishop in Cyprus which required the intervention by the Armenian Archbishop in Istanbul. As stated before, in the year of 1156 (1743) Virtas was appointed to the post of Cyprus Armenian Archbishop, but at that time there was another priest, Sirkis, who had illegally taken the position. The Istanbul Armenian Patriarch, Agob,

23 a kind of tax which take Archbishops
24 KŞS, 15/222-1.
25 KŞS, 15/222-1; KŞS, 13/223-1; KŞS, 16/29-1; KŞS, 17/65-1.


intervened and applied to the Divan-ı Humayun Court. As a result, the priest Serkis was punished and subsequently banished from Cyprus26.

In another document it states that because Virtas didn’t perform his duties adequately, the Istanbul Armenian Patriarch requested the appointment of another priest named Avadik from the Divan-ı Humayuna Court. As a result, in the year 1157 (1744) on the fourth of the month of Saban, Avadik was appointed as the Archbishop of the Cypriot Armenians27. Later, in the year Avadik was appointed Halep Armenian Archbishop by the Sis Armenian Archbishop. The Istanbul Armenian Patriarch selected the priest Osib to replace Avadik as the Cyprus Archbishop28. After the death of Osib, the priest Kirkor was chosen as his replacement in 1188 (1774)29.

The Cyprus Armenian leader changed many times between the years 1156-1159 (1743/44-1746/47). Three of these leaders held the position legally and one of them illegally. Naturally, such instability in leadership had adverse effects on Armenian society in Cyprus.

Although the Armenian and Greek Archbishops had the same rights as leaders, the Armenian priests gave 1,000 akcelik miri peşkeş while Greek Cypriots gave 73,500 akcelik miri peşkeş to the money paid was parallel to the percentage of the population. The documents show that although Armenian priests had as much authority as Greek Cypriot religious leaders, they were not as influential as the Greek Cypriot priests. This inequality did not seem to result in problems between them. Records indicate that no Armenian priests caused problems for the Cyprus Government.

The Social Circumstance of the Cypriot Armenians

In order to translate embassy documents, the French Embassy consul chose his translators from among the Armenian Cypriots. From documents some translators were identified as Anglo Markori30, Avanis Agob31,

26 KŞS, 15/223-1.
27 KŞS, 16/29-1.
28 KŞS, 17/65-1.
29 KŞS, 20/96-1.
30 KŞS, 16/59-2.
31 KŞS, 16/59-2.


Lenovar veled-i Lenovar32, Aci Vone veled-i Fendi33, and Mosfiliyye veled-i Nesvar34. Besides doing translations, these people also worked with the French traders who came to Cyprus35. The translators had two missions: one of them was the consul’s translator and the other was to be French traders’ representatives36. The Armenians in Cyprus were mainly engaged in trading, especially silk trade37.

Moreover, Armenian translators sent Armenian traders’ belongings (who died in Cyprus) to their relatives outside of Cyprus38. In other words, they did not just help the French people; they also helped the Armenian people who lived in Cyprus39. The non-Muslim traders in Cyprus, especially Armenians, went to court to appoint the person (vasi-i muhtar) who would send their inheritance to their heir in case something happened to them when they came to Cyprus. Generally the Armenians who were translators at the French Embassy did this for Armenian traders in Cyprus. The Armenian Eryeshon veled-i Kozer, who was from the area of Hoca Ahmed in the city Tokat, lived in Nicosia as a visitor. When he became ill, he entrusted his will and last testament to Shahak veled-i Erziyan40. In another example, there was an Armenian visitor in Nicosia, Kommeri bint-i Karabet who was from the city of Diyarbakır, and he gave permission to Aci Vona veled-i Fendi, to transport his inheritance to his daughter and his brothers which41. By making these sorts of arrangements, the Armenians in Cyprus prevented their inheritance from being seized by the government.

In areas such as Cyprus, there were many communities and religious groups co-existing. If the Islamic laws were accepted, marriage could occur between the two communities. Agsa bint-i Artinyon (Nasraniye), who

32 KŞS, 16/215-3.
33 KŞS, 15/9-6.
34 KŞS, 16/226-3.
35 KŞS, 15/9-6. KŞS, 15/9-6.
36 KŞS, 16/215-3.
37 Erdoğru, “Kıbrıs Ermenileri Üzerine Notlar (1580-1640)”, 6 vd.
38 KŞS, 15/9-6.
39 Özkul, age, s. 100-103.
40 KŞS, 13/11-2.
41 KŞS, 15/9-6.



lived in the district of Karamanî-zâde in Nicosia, married Muhammed ibn-i Ali and paid 50 qurush for the marriage agreement (22 Shaban 1141/1729)42. In this example, a non-Muslim woman, who was probably Armenian, married a Muslim man without changing religion according to Islamic rules. In addition, it is significant to note that the district of Karamanî-zâde where the Armenian people lived had the densest population of all the districts in Nicosia. This district was the location of Meryem Ana (Mother) church, which was the largest church on the island of Cyprus.

Another example related to family was the sharing of the last will and testament, and this sharing system differed from that of the normal inheritance law. In this system, any Armenian who changed their religion received a share of the last will and testament from their father. Upon the death of the Armenian Avdik Veled-i Marderos, who lived in the district of Debbaghane in Nicosia, his son received a share of his father’s last will and testament from his mother, Aristefo bint-i Layzo, who was the executor (8 Safer 1143/1730)43.

In another document, it showed that non-Muslims living in Cyprus applied to the Sharia Court (Şer’i Mahkeme) regarding matters of guardianship of children. Upon the death of the Armenian Arslan veled-i Sarkir, who was from the district of Nevbethane in Nicosia, his children’s uncle Mihail veled-i Sarkir became the guardian of his youngest daughter Altun and his youngest son Sarkir, so he took and secured Arslan’s last will and testament (15 Zilkade 1138/1726)44.

In another case, after the death of Isayi veled-i Yadigar from the district of Karamanî-zâde in Nicosia, his young daughter and son’s guardian, Hazim veled-i Karbit, was unable to perform this responsibility because he was going to another country. Due to this, the Sharia Court appointed the children’s mother Meryem veled-i Kirkor as a trustee instead of Hazim veled-i Karbit (6 Rebiulahir 1121/1709)45.

42 KŞS, 13/116-2.
43 KŞS, 13/196-1.
44 KŞS, 1e/1/4-5.
45 KŞS, 7/51-2; KŞS, 7/54-4; M. A. Durmuş, Hicri 1120-21 Tarihli Lefkoşa’nın 7 Numaralı Şer‘iye Sicili, Ege Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Yayımlanmamış



These documents related to the family law provide plenty of valuable information about Cypriot Armenian life. They indicate that Armenians lived in many areas around Nicosia and Cyprus.

Concerning the population of Cyprus, it consisted of ehl-i zimmet kefere (non-Muslims) and the natives of the island of Cyprus who were Orthodox non-Muslim groups. Most of the non-Muslims who lived in Cyprus were Greek Orthodox. The remaining non-Muslim groups were generally assembled around the church. The census registers indicate that Armenians, Europeans (Frenk) and French Catholic (Efrenc)46 people had their own churches in Nicosia. Europeans47 and Armenians48 had their churches in the district of Karamanî-zâde and the French Catholic church was in the district of Kara Baba49. Cyprus Armenian Archbishop’s appointment documents show that Armenian groups had another church (Mother Meryam) at the Megara Monastery (Saint Makar) in the town of Kyrenia50.

In addition to the diverse population and the plurality of churches, there is further evidence of peaceful coexistence in Cyprus as the Armenians and the Muslims often entered into business and legal agreements.

For example, court documents reveal that the Armenians and Muslims shared an interest in the manufacture of calico (a rough printed cotton material). When the Armenians died the courts gave the heirs their inheritance according to the last will and testament. An Armenian, Mardus veled-i Ayvas, from the district of Korkud Efendi in Nicosia, died when he was away from Cyprus. His children’s guardian took 45 pieces of pattern models (basmacı kalıbı), one cauldron (kazan), six vessels (tekne), half a vakkiye (amount) of white gum to make cotton Yüksek Lisans Tezi, İzmir 1997, s.146,153; Look for a similar example. M. A. Erdoğru “Osmanlı Kıbrıs’ında Kadınlar 1580-1640”, Tarih Boyunca Türklerde Ev ve Aile Semineri 25-26 Mayıs 1998 Bildiriler, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Araştırmaları Merkezi, İstanbul 2000, s. 161-164.

46 KŞS, 14/22-1.
47 KŞS, 1e/1/4-6.
48 KŞS, 14/46-1.
49 KŞS, 14/22-4.
50 KŞS, 17/67-2; KŞS, 17/65-1.


(kitre)51, a vakkiye of red paint (bakkam)52, three small boxes (tağar)53, a piece of marble stone, four big work benches (tezgah), and one small work bench (tezgah) 54. This document not only provides information about the calico trader’s useful materials, but also proves that Armenians were actual partners in the calico manufacture.

Cypriot Armenians also relied on Muslims to act as witnesses in certain court cases. Often, when loan disagreements occurred between Cypriot Armenians, they applied to the Sharia courts instead of their own church. In one example, an Armenian, Petros veled-i Aci Ezram, who came from the district of Debbaghane in Nicosia and his deceased father, had a partnership with Avak veled-i Artin. Petros went to the court because he wanted to get what was due to his father. The courts held an investigation and called a Muslim witness to testify, and as a result Petros lost the court case55.

Another example of a loan disagreement involves Armenian Acem trader, Nazar veled-i Karabit, who lived in the district of Han-ı Cedid in Nicosia. He demanded the return of 400 kurush and his own share from Armenian trader Kesbir veled-i Melkom. (16 Zilkade 1121/1710)56 In a monetary dispute between an Armenian and a Muslim, a peaceful agreement was made. Hasan ibn-i Mevlud, who was from the Anatolian city of Konya, gave 150 kurush (cents) as a loan to Yasef veled-i Ohan, and instead of taking that money he accepted two mules, mai çuka, a special Cyprus shovel, (Kıbrıs nafesi kablı bir kürek) and three kurush. (20 Rebiulahir 1121/1710)57

Cypriot Armenians also used Sharia courts to record their real estate transactions when selling and buying land with Muslims as well as with their own group. Armenian painter Dervis veled-i Karabit, who

51 White gum to make cotton.
52 Red colour.
53 A kind of small sack for putting in belongings which commonly used by sheperds.
54 KŞS, 13/14-4.
55 KŞS, 17/106-4.
56 KŞS, 7/116-3; Durmuş, agt, s. 249.
57 KŞS, 7/56-2; Durmuş, agt, s. 155. Look for a similar example. KŞS, 7/62-2.



was from the district of Karamanî-zâde in Nicosia, sold his land to Mustafa Aga Ali for 25 kurush (23 Muharrem 1121/1709)58. There is also a record of a Muslim selling land in the district of Çatal Hurma in Nicosia to an Armenian named Erisi bint-i Barkir for 132 kurush (19 Rebiulahir 1121/1709)59. Armenian heirs also sold lands without being prejudiced to the buyer60. Ohan veled-i Panos died in the district quarter of Arab Ahmet in Nicosia, and his heirs sold his shop and materials, which were in the Demirciler Bazaar, to Ohan veled-i Magroc for 94 kurush (2 Zilkade 1121/1710)61. In yet another transaction between non-Muslims, Zanemarya veled-i Yimayo, who was from the district of Debbaghane in Nicosia, sold his land to an Armenian, Ciryako veled-i Filipo, and his wife, Berasoko bint-i Sava (Nasraniye), for 250 kurush (8 Rebiulahir1121/1709)62

In addition to peaceful coexistence, there is also evidence that some of the non-Muslim Cypriots chose to convert to Islam. In the second quarter of the 18th century, some Orthodox Greek Cypriots converted to Islam, and two Cyprus Armenians did as well as. One of the Armenians, Yakob veled-i Loztin, who was from the district of Debbaghane in Nicosia, chose the Islamic religion and changed his name to Osman (4 Cemaziyelahir 1161/1748)63. In another situation, when Avdik veled-i Marderos, who was from the district of Debbaghane in Nicosia died, his son became a Muslim and changed his name to Yusuf. Yusuf then took his share of his inheritance from his mother (19 Safer 1141/1728)64. During the second half of the same century, records show that more Armenians converted to Islam. Menas ibn-i Minas, who was from Armenian district in Nicosia, became a Muslim and took the name Huseyin65. In another, earlier case, at the end of 16th century, three non-Muslim women separated from their husbands after becoming Muslim. Enderya bint-i Piero, who was

58 KŞS, 7/32-2.
59 KŞS, 7/58-3. Look for a similar example. KŞS, 7/110-3.
60 KŞS, 7/109-1.
61 KŞS, 7/109-2.
62 KŞS, 7/52-1.
63 KŞS, 16/1-9.
64 KŞS, 13/196-1.
65 KŞS, 21/2-6; Çevikel, agm, s. 715.



from Hirsofi, and Cako nam zimmiye and Husna, who were Armenians from Mesarya, became Muslims and separated from their husbands66. And later, during the middle of 19th century, Armenian Maroye bint-i Mihalaki, who was from the district of Iplik Pazar, became a Muslim and changed her name to Fatma67.

The Ownership of Slaves
During the Ottoman period it is known that only Muslims could have a slave, but one document shows that non-Muslims could also have slaves68. Ronald C. Jennings69 said that non-Muslims should not have a slave, because he explained that Orthodox religion did not accept slavery.70 However, the Bursa registry shows that there were non-Muslims who lived in the city of Bursa who owned slaves. According to the research in Bursa it was unacceptable for non-Muslim men to buy Muslim women. In addition, it was desirable for female slaves to be sold to Muslim men after they chose to be Muslim71.

An Armenian visitor to Nicosia, Engoni veled-i Yagci, claimed that his slave, Pavlo, had run away two years before and died while he was with Kostanti veled-i Dimitri. Yagci wanted his money to be refunded. In response, Kostanti indicated that the slave died when he was with his Armenian slave, Arslan velid-i Anastas (Nasrani), when they were making pottery. Arslan confirmed that this unfortunate event occurred. Engoni could not prove that it was his slave who died, so he lost the court case (16 Rebiülevvel 1144/1731)72.

66 Dündar, agt., s. 394-395.
67 KŞS, 42/19-5; C. Erdönmez, Şeriyye Sicillerine Göre Kıbrıs’ta Toplum Yapısı (1839-1856), Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Ana Bilim Dalı, Yayımlanmamış Doktora Tezi, Isparta 2004, s. 42.
68 K. Çiçek, Zimmis (Non-Muslims) of Cyprus in the Sharia Court, 1110/39 A.H/1698-1726 A.D., University of Birmingham, Yayımlanmamış Doktora Tezi, Birmingham 1992, s. 99.
69 A famous historian
70 Jennings, age, s. 242.
71 O. Çetin, Sicillere Göre Bursa’da İhtida Hareketleri ve Sosyal Sonuçları (1472-1909), Ankara 1994, 95 vd.
72 KŞS, 14/14-1.


Indeed, we can confirm that the Cypriot Armenians lived freely, due to the expectional amount of tolerance bestowed on them by the Ottoman Empire, not only on the island of Cyprus, but also in other regions of Ottoman countries.


REFERENCES

ÇEVIKEL, Nuri, “18. Yüzyıl Osmanlı Kıbrısı’nda Ermenilerin Durumuna Dair Bazı Tespitler”, Yeni Türkiye 7/38, Mart-Nisan 2001 Ankara.
ÇETIN, Osman, Sicillere Göre Bursa’da İhtida Hareketleri ve Sosyal Sonuçları (1472-1909), Ankara 1994.
ÇIÇEK, Kemal, Zimmis (Non-Muslims) of Cyprus in the Sharia Court, 1110/39 A.H/1698-1726 A.D., University of Birmingham, Yayımlanmamış Doktora Tezi, Birmingham 1992.
DURMUŞ, Mehmet Ali, Hicri 1120-21 Tarihli Lefkoşa’nın 7 Numaralı Şer‘iye Sicili, Ege Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Yayımlanmamış Yüksek Lisans Tezi, İzmir 1997.
DÜNDAR, Recep, Kıbrıs Beylerbeyliği (1570-1670), İnönü Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Eğitimi Anabilim Dalı,Yayımlanmamış Doktora Tezi, Malatya 1998.
ERDOĞRU M. Akif, “Osmanlı Kıbrıs’ında Kadınlar 1580-1640”, Tarih Boyunca Türklerde Ev ve Aile Semineri 25-26 Mayıs 1998 Bildiriler, İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Araştırmaları Merkezi, İstanbul 2000.
ERDOĞRU M. Akif, “Kıbrıs Ermenileri Üzerine Notlar (1580-1640)”, Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi, XXII/1, İzmir 2002.
ERDOĞRU, M. Akif, “Kıbrıs’ın Türkler tarafından Fethi ve İlk İskân Teşebbüsü (1570-1571)”, Kıbrıs’ın Dünü-Bugünü Uluslararası Sempozyumu (28 Ekim-2 Kasım 1991) Tebliğleri, Ankara 1993.
ERDöNMEZ, Celal, Şeriyye Sicillerine Göre Kıbrıs’ta Toplum Yapısı (1839-1856), Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Tarih Ana Bilim Dalı, Yayımlanmamış Doktora Tezi, Isparta 2004.
JENNINGS, Ronald C., Christians and Muslims in Ottoman Cyprus and the Mediterranean World, 1571-1640, New York 1993.
JENNINGS, Ronald C., “The Population, Taxation and Wealth in the Cities and Villages of Cyprus, According To the Detailed Population Survey (Defter-i Mufassal) Of 1572”, Journal of Turkish Studies, X, 1986.
KIBRIS ŞER‘I SICIL DEFTERLERI: 1e,7,13,14,15,16,17,20,21,42.
öZKUL, Ali. Efdal, Kıbrıs’ın Sosyo-Ekonomik Tarihi 1726-1750, İstanbul 2005.
PAPADOPOULLOS, Theodore, Social and Historical Data on Population (1570-1881), Nicosia 1965.
PAMUKCIYAN, Kevork, “Onsekizinci Yüzyılda Patrik Basmaciyan’a Verilen Cülus Fermanı”, Tarih ve Toplum, XV/88 (1991).


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