3359) Mamigonian: Tlön, Turkey, and the Armenian Genocide

  • Tlön, Turkey, and the Armenian Genocide By Marc Mamigonian, Armenian Weekly, June 4, 2012

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    By Sukru Server Aya

  • Tlön, Turkey, and the Armenian Genocide By Marc Mamigonian, Armenian Weekly, June 4, 2012

    Mainstream journalism and scholarship undertake the work—sometimes knowingly, sometimes unknowingly—of constructing Turkey’s Tlön.

    In the past decade, even as a few scholars from Turkey and Turkish citizens have begun to talk and write more openly about their history, including the Armenian Genocide, Ankara, perhaps concerned that it is losing the battle to erase and rewrite history, or, on the contrary, perhaps because it believes that victory is achievable, has raised its efforts to a new level. This article examines some of the ways Turkey creates and disseminates its perversion of history and how its narrative is (unknowingly or knowingly) passed along to mostly uninformed readers, with the end result of skewing the discussion towards a narrative acceptable to Turkey. A comprehensive history and analysis is well beyond the scope of this article and, in fact, calls for a book-length study.

    . .
    April 2012

    “It has allowed them to question and even to modify the past,
    which nowadays is no less malleable or obedient than the future.”
    —Jorge Luis Borges, ‘Tlön, Uqbar, Orbis Tertius’

    It has long been clear—at least since 1950 and the publication of Esat Uras’ Tarihte Ermeniler ve Ermeni Meselesi,2 though, in fact, probably since 1915 itself3—that the Turkish state, with its allies and hirelings,4 has sought to construct an alternative history in which, at various times, the Armenians have either not existed, or existed only as a tool of Western imperialist powers threatening the integrity of Turkey or the Ottoman Empire; a history in which the Armenian Genocide cannot be named independent of the words “alleged” or “so-called.” In this sense, the writing of history has served as a continuation of the genocidal process.

    Outside Turkey (and perhaps even inside the country) it is not too well known that there has existed since 2001 an entity called, in Turkish, As?ls?z Soykirim Iddialari ile Mücadele Koordinasyon Kurulu (AS MKK) or, in English, the Committee to Coordinate the Struggle with the Baseless Genocide Claims.

    According to Jennifer Dixon, a scholar who has researched the development of the official Turkish historical narrative on the “Armenian Question,” the committee is “[c]o-headed by the Foreign Minister and the general who heads the National Security Council” and “also includes high-level representatives from a number of key government ministries and organizations, including the Ministry of the Interior, the Turkish Historical Society and the archives.” Dixon further explains that “it appears that its main goals have been to coordinate and execute a centralized strategy for responding to international pressures on this issue, and to shape public opinion in Turkey and abroad on this issue.”5

    Turkey is thus perhaps the only state with an official or semiofficial entity devoted exclusively to events that it maintains did not occur. The committee has not been idle, and the number of publications devoted to refuting the “Baseless Genocide Claims” has increased substantially since 2001.6

    On June 10, 2010, Turkey’s state news outlet Anadolu Agency reported that in 2011, the Turkish Historical Society (Türk Tarih Kurumu) would publish a 20-volume encyclopedia that “aims to create the most comprehensive resource on Armenian problem [sic].” Project director Prof. Enis Sahin stated, “When we first started this project, we thought it would be comprised of 5,000-6,000 pages . . . Now it seems to be a set of books of nearly 20 volumes each with 600 or 700 pages. It will become an encyclopedia.”7 Although the encyclopedia has yet to appear, this author is informed that it is still in the works.

    The creation of the 20-volume Un-cyclopedia of the Armenian Non-Genocide would likely represent a milestone of sorts in the state’s untiring efforts to negate history. Sahin wrote in 2003:

    If Turkey wishes to become a global state or an influential power in its region, it should overcome the difficulties it faces in the Armenian Question just like in each issue and should formulate highly realizable policies in line with its geopolitics and put them in place. These policies should be adopted as imperatives for the country; never should there be any concessions from them… It is evident that Armenian allegations of genocide are a complete deception… There should be an abundant number of works translated into foreign languages supporting the Turkish thesis in libraries and research institutions in these countries.8

    Sahin’s statements suggest that his agenda is to support and advance the state’s interests (as represented by its official thesis on the “Armenian Question”) by any means necessary. Such remarks might seem unusual coming from a professor of history, but they are less so when one remembers that the Turkish Historical Society was created in 1931 by Atatürk for the development and dissemination of Turkey’s official, state-generated history.9


    The Turkish Historical Society’s uncyclopedic undertaking—as a part-for-whole representation of the entire monstrous apparatus dedicated to creating a fake history—strongly calls to mind Jorge Luis Borges’ uncanny, nightmarish ficción “Tlön, Uqbar, Orbis Tertius.” Not a short story in the usual sense, it is, as the author points out in the foreword to the collection The Garden of Forking Paths (1941) in which it first appeared, an example of what he calls “notes upon imaginary books.”10

    It is difficult to summarize a commentary on an imaginary book. The Borgesian narrator describes his dawning awareness of the land called “Uqbar” (which, as coincidence would have it, is supposed to be located near Armenia), which is mentioned in some copies of a certain encyclopaedia. Doubting the very existence of such a place, he reads that “the literature of Uqbar was fantastic in character, and that its epics and legends never referred to reality, but to the two imaginary realms of Mlejnas and Tlön…” (19).

    Later, much to his surprise, the narrator encounters one volume of A First Encyclopaedia of Tlön: “clearly stated, coherent, without any apparent dogmatic intention or parodic undertone” (22).

    It emerges, finally, that this is all part of a vast intellectual conspiracy born in the 18th century: “A benevolent secret society.. . came together to invent a country. . . [and] in 1914, the society forwarded to its collaborators, three hundred in number, the final volume of the First Encyclopaedia of Tlön. The edition was secret; the forty volumes which comprised it (the work was vaster than any previously undertaken by men) were to be the basis for another work, more detailed, and this time written, not in English, but in some one of the languages of Tlön. That review of an illusory world was called, provisionally, Orbis Tertius11…” (31–32).

    This might be the end of the story. Except that in a postscript written seven years later (that is, seven fictional years later), the narrator reveals, with quiet horror, that the “unreality” of Tlön begins to intrude into the “reality” of this world:

    Contact with Tlön and the ways of Tlön have disintegrated this world […] Now, the conjectural ‘primitive language’ of Tlön has found its way into the schools. Now, the teaching of its harmonious history, full of stirring episodes, has obliterated the history that dominated my childhood. Now, in all memories, a fictitious past occupies the place of any other. We know nothing about it with any certainty, not even that it is false. Numismatics, pharmacology and archaeology have been revised. I gather that biology and mathematics are also awaiting their avatar. . . . A scattered dynasty of recluses has changed the face of the earth—and their work continues. If our foresight is not mistaken, a hundred years from now someone will discover the hundred volumes of The Second Encyclopaedia of Tlön. Then, English, French, and mere Spanish will disappear from this planet. The world will be Tlön (34–35).

    For those who follow closely the historiography of the Armenian Genocide and the simultaneous anti-historiography of the Armenian Non-Genocide, much of this should sound less like fantasy than like grim realism. Because when it comes to the history of the Armenian Genocide, to an alarming extent, we are already living in Tlön.

    But how does this process work? How does the unreality of genocide denial enter into and permeate our world? It is not by means of a secret society as in Borges’ fiction. Mainstream journalism and scholarship undertake the work—sometimes knowingly, sometimes unknowingly—of constructing Turkey’s Tlön.

    For the purposes of this article, one example must suffice: a work of journalism that swallows whole the idea that the discussion of the Armenian Genocide is a “debate” and the virtual unknowability of what is actually a rather well-documented historic event or series of events. The article by Jack Grove, which appeared last year in the (London) Times Higher Education, “Can We Ever Know the Truth About the Armenian ‘Genocide?’”12 serves as a good case study, as it is almost the apotheosis of a “neutral journalistic”13 approach to the Armenian Genocide that probably unwittingly serves to advance the cause of genocide denial and the dissemination of unreality.

    The strategy of denying the Armenian Genocide outright has mostly become the exception rather than the rule. This is not to suggest that what one might call classic, old-school denial14—“There was no Armenian Genocide and besides they deserved it” does not live on. Unfortunately, virulent and blatant denial and victimblaming—unlike analogous Holocaust denial, for instance—is readily available and often is authored by figures associated with one or more of the several Turkish-American groups one of the tasks of which is to import Turkey’s war on historical truth. More than 20 years ago, the pioneering genocide scholar Roger Smith wrote that “[t]he Turkish argument is elaborate and systematic and, though some of its surface details have changed over time, its basic structure has remained one of denial and justification.”15 This is still largely the case today, though one must qualify the phrase “Turkish argument” because not only, of course, is this not an argument made by all Turks, but also because denial and justification of the Armenian Genocide are not limited to Turks.16

    Overall, since Smith wrote his important essay, the language and the content of Turkey’s denial have evolved,17 and this evolution has had its impact on the kind of genocide denial that the average person might encounter. The blunt instrument of old-school denial has been honed into a more precise dagger. In the U.S. and Europe, in particular, in order to advance its agenda of spreading mistruth, denial exploits cherished ideals such as freedom of speech and the belief that there must always be two sides to each story.

    Instead of confronting the genocide head-on, deniers play upon widespread ignorance of the subject and seek to create doubt. By reframing well-documented history as a “controversy” with at least two legitimate “sides,” they engage in spurious, circular debates with the goal of indefinitely deferring genocide recognition and its consequences. Prof. Taner Akçam has formulated it well: “we can observe that on the subject of the Armenian Genocide, the Turkish government and entities that support its positions follow a very systematic and aggressive policy in the U.S. The essence of this policy is to make the idea that ‘1915 was not genocide’ be accepted as normal and as equivalent to the idea that ‘1915 was genocide.’”18 Consequently, if both “it was genocide” and “it was not genocide” are equally acceptable positions, then of course there can be no such thing as “genocide denial.”

    This policy is being pursued in at least two related ways. The first is a campaign of legal intimidation. Examples include the failed effort in Massachusetts to sue the Commonwealth’s Board of Education for not including denial-supporting materials in its curriculum on genocide19 and the thus far dead-on-arrival defamation suit against the University of Minnesota and its Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies for identifying the Turkish Coalition of America’s website as one of many “unreliable” sources.20 This tactic seems intended to produce “a chilling effect on the ability of scholars and academic institutions to carry out their work freely.”21

    Even when such lawsuits fail, they not only serve to intimidate scholars but also to advance the idea that the subject of the Armenian Genocide is inherently controversial and disputed, thus helping to re-frame the discussion in terms congenial to the agenda of new-style genocide denial. In competitive sports this is known as “working the refs.” If a coach complains constantly about penalties on his team, the beleaguered referee may unconsciously start balancing things out, if only to stop the complaints.

    But, of course, the complaints never stop. Another form of this tactic is on display nearly every time a journalist writes anything about the Armenian Genocide and letters, emails, and phone calls follow from Turkish officials or domestic pressure groups, to say nothing of government and business entities seeking to assist a valued ally regarding a “sensitive” matter.22 It is understandable, though not excusable, that press outlets alter their coverage in a more “balanced” way that they think will make these complaints stop or will safeguard them against legal attacks.

    Denial of the Armenian Genocide is only to be expected from advocates of Turkish state interests. More pernicious, arguably, is the conscious or unconscious adoption of denialist themes and rhetorical framing by academics and mainstream journalists. These issues of language and framing are familiar to anyone who follows media coverage of the Armenian Genocide. One is accustomed, when reading the arguments of advocates for the official Turkish position, to encounter leading questions, euphemisms, distortions, and false equivalences, all geared towards a certain “spin.” Denialist phrasing includes such old chestnuts as “so-called Armenian genocide,” “alleged massacres,” “Armenian relocation,” “civil war,” and “necessary wartime security measure.” It should be noted that this maximalist form of denial has been, if not replaced, then augmented by an ostensibly humane approach that takes note of Armenian suffering, even acknowledging massacres, but invariably stresses that the First World War was a time of great general suffering and that in no way was there a deliberate effort to eliminate the Armenians.

    Sometimes the maximalist approach and the quasi-humane approach rest cheek by jowl within the same article. For example, Turkish Coalition of America “resident scholar” Bruce Fein’s “Lies, Damn Lies, and Armenian Deaths” allows that “Armenians have a genuine tale of woe” but states that they have concocted an exaggerated number of deaths during the non-genocide to make a more convincing case as they seek “a ‘pound of flesh’ from the Republic of Turkey,” an eyebrow-raising comparison of Armenians to Shakespeare’s Shylock.23

    One is accustomed, too, to the “he said/she said” treatment of the Armenian Genocide that has become the most frequent fallback position for many mainstream news media, particularly when (and this is almost always the case), the writer has no background in the subject matter. NYU journalism professor Jay Rosen provides a helpful guide to the hallmarks of he said/she said reporting:

    —There’s a public dispute.

    —The dispute makes news.

    —No real attempt is made to assess clashing truth claims in the story, even though they are in some sense the reason for the story. (Under the “conflict makes news” test.)

    —The means for assessment do exist, so it’s possible to exert a factual check on some of the claims, but for whatever reason the report declines to make use of them.

    —The symmetry of two sides making opposite claims puts the reporter in the middle between polarized extremes.24

    The effort to get influential mainstream newspapers such as the Boston Globe and New York Times to stop mandating such inane formulations as, “Armenians claim that as many as 1.5 million….” whereas “Turkey states that Armenians and a larger number of Turks and Muslims died as a result of wartime conditions…” met with success despite the deeply entrenched tendency to engage in false equivalences in the belief that this demonstrates a lack of bias and shows journalistic objectivity.25 As Rosen writes, “Journalists associate the middle with truth, when there may be no reason to…Writing the news so that it lands somewhere near the ‘halfway point between the best and the worst that might be said about someone’ is not a truthtelling impulse at all, but a refuge-seeking one, and it’s possible that this ritual will distort a given story.”26

    The problems that Rosen identifies as endemic to he said/she said journalism are on display in Grove’s article “Can We Ever Know the Truth About the Armenian ‘Genocide?’” The problems start with the title.

    The title is a good example of what is known as a loaded question—a question that is deployed for rhetorical purposes in order to frame the discussion that follows. To choose another example that has more current-day resonance that a journalist might ask innocently: “Which side do you take in the global warming controversy?” Such a question presupposes the existence of a “controversy,” and a controversy presupposes the existence of two or more opinions or sides with a more or less equal claim on truth.

    To ask the question “Can We Ever Know the Truth About the Armenian ‘Genocide?’” is to adopt the language of the party that asserts the existence of a controversy in the face of overwhelming evidence—a party that desperately seeks to be recognized as half of a “heated dispute” rather than as a trafficker in fake history.

    The quotation marks around “genocide” signal to readers that the word thus enclosed is somehow questionable. We cannot know the writer’s or editor’s motivation for using those scare quotes. If the “controversy” is the news, according to Rosen’s model, perhaps the scare quotes are meant to telegraph journalistic objectivity by positing the existence of a “debate”: i.e., was it a genocide or a “genocide”? They may be read as: “We are not saying it was a genocide, we are not saying it was not a genocide. We are just reporting on a controversy from a neutral position.” Nevertheless, the scare quotes within a loaded rhetorical question support the reading that is most congenial to genocide deniers. Far from staking out an already specious middle position, the scare quotes place Grove and Times Higher Education in apparent alignment with those who, “when not able to silence the question of genocide altogether, [attempt] to sow confusion and doubt among journalists, policy makers, and the general public.”27

    The first sentence of the article proper states what appears to be a simple fact: “Few academic subjects are as politically explosive as the dispute over the mass killings in Armenia.” The writer has correctly stated that this is an academic subject with political repercussions. However, instead of proceeding to present an accurate assessment of the academic consensus28 and the reasons for the political controversy, which would clearly require a substantial exploration of the subject, the author follows the path of least resistance and presents “both sides” of the “dispute,” which, misleadingly, becomes located in the academic realm rather than in the political.

    The second sentence virtually constitutes a statement of the locus classicus of genocide denial: “Almost 100 years after the alleged atrocities of 1915–16, arguments still rage over whether the deaths of between 600,000 and 1.5 million Armenian civilians constitute genocide.” “Alleged atrocities”: that is to say, even the fact of atrocities, whether as part of the execution of a genocide or not, is called into question. A wide range of estimated deaths reinforces the idea that even after “almost 100 years” we are no nearer to the truth. The already tenuous grip on logic is altogether lost in the sentences that follow. “Most historians agree that Ottoman Turks deported hundreds of thousands of Armenians from eastern Anatolia to the Syrian desert during the First World War, where they were killed or died of starvation and disease.” Actually all historians agree that hundreds of thousands of Armenians were deported from Anatolia to the Syrian desert and that large numbers of them died. Even the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs acknowledges the death of as many as 300,000 Armenians.29 Yet Grove cannot deign to present even this as a firmly established fact.

    “But was this a systematic attempt to destroy the Christian Armenian people?” Grove asks, “[o]r was it merely part of the widespread bloodshed—including the deaths of innocent Turkish Muslims—in the collapsing Ottoman empire?”

    A false choice is presented here, because the extermination of the Armenians was both a systematic attempt to destroy them—a genocide—as well as part of the overall bloody collapse of the Ottoman Empire during a world war in which many Turks and Muslims also died. Likewise: Was the Holocaust a systematic attempt to destroy the Jewish people? Or was it part of the widespread bloodshed—including the deaths of innocent German civilians—in the war-torn Nazi empire? Clearly it was both. Such false opposition, which masquerades as objectivity in its pretense of emphasizing the tragedy of all loss of life, is a staple of genocide denial—any genocide denial.30

    Our suggestion is not that Grove knowingly drew on the rhetorical tools of genocide denial or deliberately trivialized the extermination of the Ottoman Armenians. However, he made no attempt to answer the questions he posed or to provide any factual information that a reader could use to formulate a response. In short, he failed to do his job.

    The fog of doubt hovering over the author’s references to the “alleged atrocities” and quote-genocide-unquote obscures other facts as well. Having noted that “Hrant Dink was assassinated by a 17-year-old nationalist in 2007 after criticizing the country’s denialist stance,” he then retreats and states that “[b]efore Dink’s death, such claims had resulted in his being prosecuted for ‘denigrating Turkishness.’ The Nobel laureate Orhan Pamuk was also prosecuted for making similar claims.” Claims? Did they make claims or did they make factual statements that brought them into conflict with Turkey’s “denialist stance”? And what, for that matter, is Turkey’s denialist stance? Who formulates it and how is it disseminated? Surely these are questions whose answers a reader of this article would find relevant, but Grove either doesn’t know or doesn’t think this is important enough to share with readers.

    The bulk of the story consists of a collection of quotes from “both sides” of the spurious “debate.” Jeremy Salt of Bilkent University takes up the classic “Yes, Armenians died, but…” position, emphasizing “the scale of the catastrophe that overwhelmed the Ottoman Empire.” All peoples of the dying empire suffered and died from “massacre, malnutrition, disease, and exposure. Armenians were the perpetrators as well as the victims of largescale violence…These are the facts that any historian worth his salt will come across,” declares Salt.

    Salt’s statements call to mind part of Roger Smith’s enumeration of the rhetorical tropes of Turkish denial in 1989: “Armenians suffered and died, but this was due to wartime conditions and to elements beyond the control of the government—Kurds, criminals, officials who disobeyed orders” but “the number of Turks who died was far greater.”31 Since Grove makes no effort to explore the reliability of Salt’s account, the questions need to be asked: What is the purpose of the article and what is Grove’s responsibility towards his readers?

    The comments of Hakan Yavuz of the University of Utah department of political science32 shift the discussion away from history itself and towards a “debate.” He identifies “the Armenian diaspora” as “the key obstacle to advancing the debate over the causes and consequences of the events of 1915.” The diaspora promotes what he calls “the genocide thesis” and works towards “silencing those who question their version” of history.

    That is, these are simply two “narratives” of history and neither can be privileged over the other. Such an approach again calls to mind Akçam’s assessment: “The essence of this policy is to make the idea that ‘1915 was not genocide’ be accepted as normal and as equivalent to the idea that ‘1915 was genocide.’”

    Yavuz presents another common talking point: “One may conclude that the Armenian diaspora seeks to use the genocide issue as the ‘societal glue’ to keep the community together.” Such a statement deftly avoids addressing what actually occurred historically, and shifts the discussion away from a discussion of facts and toward the realm of identity politics.33

    While Salt along with Yavuz handle the role of “he said,” Akçam is forced into “she said.” His presence in the article appears to result not from his authorship of numerous significant books and articles on the Armenian Genocide but because he “told a conference at Glendale Public Library, Arizona [sic, the event took place in Glendale, Calif.], in June that he had been informed by a source in Istanbul, who wished to remain anonymous, that hefty sums have been given to academics willing to counter Armenian genocide claims.”

    “Beyond the legal writs, however, the episode has raised questions of whether free historical investigation of the genocide claims can ever take place amid the frenzied Turkish-Armenian political climate,” writes Grove, making use of the doubt-raising term “claims.” Akçam is quoted making no such statement.

    Grove writes that Akçam “believes pressure from Ankara has made it impossible for Turks to look into the subject at home.” That assertion is certainly supportable. But the fact that researchers in Turkey feel real pressure not to address the Armenian Genocide does not mean that there is no “free historical investigation of the genocide,” since Akçam is himself engaged in such work—but not inside Turkey.

    Giving the impression that such work is impossible suits the purposes of those promoting denial, however, inasmuch as it questions the validity of the large body of scholarship on the Armenian Genocide. Grove’s readers are given no real opportunity to understand the actual state of “historical investigation” or who actually creates obstacles and how. A great many readers will come away from it knowing only of the existence of a somewhat nebulous “debate” that might be historical, might be political, or might be legal, but the true facts of which are either unknowable or not important. Or, in Jay Rosen’s formulation: “No real attempt is made to assess clashing truth claims in the story, even though they are in some sense the reason for the story.”

    Words written more than 25 years ago by Richard Hovannisian are perhaps even more applicable today:

    As the number of persons who lived through World War I and who have direct knowledge of the events diminishes, the rationalizers and debasers of history become all the more audacious . . . At the time of the deportations and massacres, no reputable publication would have described the genocide as ‘alleged.’ The clouding of the past, however, and the years of Turkish denials, diplomatic and political pressures, and programs of image improvement have had their impact on some publishers, correspondents, scholars, and public officials. In an increasingly skeptical world, the survivors and descendants of the victims have been thrust into a defensive position from which they are required to prove time and again that they have indeed been wronged, individually and collectively.34

    The Times Higher Education coverage shows how genocide denial has evolved a more effective model that seeks to establish itself as the legitimate “other side of the story.” A journalist who can write without irony of “the alleged atrocities of 1915–16” clearly has fallen for this tactic. The “competing narratives” approach to the Armenian (scare-quotes please) “genocide” is the wolf of denial in the sheep’s clothing of “objective reporting.” Journalists who fail to see beyond the trap of “reporting the controversy” have effectively ceased to engage in journalism and are merely serving as conduits for genocide denial. Which brings us back to Borges. Each time an “objective, neutral” outlet uncritically passes along the Turkish state’s historical fictions, the world is that much closer to becoming Tlön.


    1. The author would like to thank Dr. Lou Ann Matossian for many helpful suggestions and comments during the writing of this article.

    2. The English translation, The Armenians in History and the Armenian Question, appeared in 1988 with substantial additions and was widely distributed to libraries. Uras, aka Ahmed Esat, was a former Young Turk official and a participant in the organization of the Armenian Genocide. See Hilmar Kaiser, “From Empire to Republic: The Continuities of Turkish Denial,” in Armenian Review 48.3-4 (Fall-Winter 2003), pp. 1–24.

    3. Official Ottoman publications were issued concurrently with the genocide in order to offer justification of the process then unfolding. See, for example, The Armenian Aspirations and Revolutionary Movements (Istanbul, 1916; in English, French, and German) with its copious photographs of menacing-looking Dashnaks and Hnchaks and heaps of “confiscated weapons.” Taner Akçam has observed that Talaat Pasha himself “laid the groundwork for the ‘official Turkish version’ of the deportation and killings” at the Union and Progress Party’s final congress in November 1918 (A Shameful Act [New York: Metropolitan Books, 2006] p. 184). For a succinct account of the importance of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in “the consolidation of Turkish denial within official Turkish history” see Fatma Ulgen, “Reading Mustafa Kemal Atatürk on the Armenian Genocide of 1915,” in Patterns of Prejudice 44.4 (2010).

    4. As early as 1924, Edward Hale Bierdstadt would assert, “So far as I have been able to ascertain, the direct propaganda in which Turkey indulges is comparatively small…because Turkey has evolved an even better method of concealing truth and spreading untruth. She makes her friends work for her” (The Great Betrayal: A Survey of the Near East Problem [New York: R. M. McBride & Company, 1924], p. 84).

    5. Jennifer Dixon, “Defending the Nation? Maintaining Turkey’s Narrative of the Armenian Genocide,” in South European Society and Politics, 15:3, p. 478. Dixon’s 2011 UC Berkeley dissertation, “Changing the State’s Story: Continuity and Change in Official Narratives of Dark Pasts,” is by far the most informative source to date on the production, dissemination, and evolution of Turkey’s official narrative of genocide denial.

    6. ibid., pp. 478-479.

    7. Original link (no longer operative): www.armenialive.com/armeniannews/ANKARA—Turkish-Historical-Society-launches-project-on-

    Armenian-issue. See www.armeniandiaspora.com/showthread.php?244763-ANKARA-Turkish-Historical-Society-launches-project-on-Armenian-issu#.T2yH89m1Vw4.

    8. “Armenian Question and Turkey: What Hasn’t Been Done and What Should Be Done?” See http://www.stradigma.com/english/april2003/articles_02.html.

    9. Jennifer Dixon describes the Turkish Historical Society as “quasi-official” and a “nominally an independent foundation” whose “publications frequently reproduce and advance official ideologies on a range of topics, including the Armenian question” (“Changing the State’s Story,” p. 77 and p. 56, note 140). See also Fatma Müge Göçek’s observation that “[i]n an attempt to place the blame for the past as well as present violence squarely on the Armenians, the Turkish state then drew upon its retired diplomats and ‘official scholars’ to reconstruct a mythic version of 1915. Through the selective use of archival documentation, the official Turkish Historical Society in particular started to build a large body of literature around the imagined narrative of past events” (The Transformation of Turkey: Redefining State and Society from the Ottoman Empire to the Modern Era [London: I.B. Tauris, 2010], p. 152).

    10. Jorge Luis Borges, Ficciones, edited and with an introduction by Anthony Kerrigan (New York: Grove Press, 1962), pp. 15-16. The translation of “Tlön, Uqbar, Orbis Tertius” is by Alastair Reid. Further citations given in the text parenthetically.

    11. Borges’ “Orbis Tertius”(Latin: Third World) is undoubtedly intended to suggest the Nazi Third Reich. Connections between Orbis Tertius and Karl Popper’s World 3 are worth exploring.

    12. The article appeared on Sept. 22, 2011. See www.timeshighereducation.co.uk/story.asp?storycode=417484.

    13. That is to say, one cannot and should not assume that Grove has any nefarious agenda. On the contrary, it is the very assumption that he is coming to the topic from an “unbiased” perspective that makes the article significant.

    14. A very partial list of earlier analyses of the evolution of denial of the Armenian Genocide includes: Rouben Adalian, “The Armenian Genocide: Revisionism and Denial,” in Michael N. Dobkowski and Isidor Wallimann. eds., Genocide in Our Time: An Annotated Bibliography with Analytical Introductions (Ann Arbor. Michigan: Pierian Press, 1992); Roger Smith, “Genocide and Denial: The Armenian Case and Its Implications” (Armenian Review, 42.1 1989) and Richard Hovannisian, “The Critic’s View: Beyond Revisionism” (International Journal of Middle East Studies, 9.3, Oct., 1978); “The Armenian Genocide and Patterns of Denial,” in The Armenian Genocide in Perspective, ed. Richard G. Hovannisian (New Brunswick and Oxford: Transaction Books, 1986); “Denial of the Armenian Genocide in Comparison with Holocaust Denial,” in Remembrance and Denial: The Case of the Armenian Genocide, ed. Richard G. Hovannisian (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1999).

    15. Smith, p. 6.

    16. Nonetheless, because deniers frame the issue as an argument about (judgment of, accusation of, attack on) Turks, Turkey, or Turkishness—and, hence, increasingly play the “anti-Turkish” or “anti-Muslim” card—as opposed to a matter of historical truth, the “defenders of Turkey” respond by attacking the ethnic/national identity of their opponents. Hence the tu quoque counterassaults on Armenians, Armenia, or Armenianness; Western “colonialists,” “genocidaires,” “religious bigots,” or “racists,” etc.

    17. See Dixon, “Changing the State’s Story,” esp. chapters 3-5.

    18. As stated in lecture at the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR), May 2011.

    19. See Memorandum and Order, C. A. No. 05-12147-MLW, U.S. District Court, District of Massachusetts, June 10, 2009. http://pacer.mad.uscourts.gov/dc/opinions/wolf/pdf/griswold%20opinion%20june%2010%202009.pdf.

    20. See http://www.mndaily.com/sites/default/files/Cingilli%20v%20U%20of%20MN.pdf for Judge Donovan W. Frank’s 3/30/11 dismissal of the case. The dismissal has been appealed.

    21. The quote is from a Jan. 18, 2011 letter from the Middle East Studies Association (MESA) Committee on Academic Freedom to Turkish Coalition of America President G. Lincoln McCurdy. See http://mesa.arizona.edu/committees/academic-freedom/intervention/lettersnorthamerica.html#US20110118.

    22. This is not to say, of course, that individual Armenians and Armenian groups do not also attempt to achieve influence; but the fact is that the Republic of Armenia cannot be compared as a global player to Turkey, nor are Armenians able to draw on the considerable influence of international corporations, ex-government officials, and lobbyists that support Turkey. See, for example, Luke Rosiak, “Defense contractors join Turkish lobbying effort in pursuit of arms deals,” http://reporting.sunlightfoundation.com/

    2009/defense-contractors-join-turkish-lobbying-effort-in-pursuit-of-/. In 2008, Turkey was ranked fifth among foreign governments in total money spent on lobbying activity and first in the number of contacts with members of Congress. See http://reporting.sunlightfoundation.com/2009/adding-it-top-players-foreign-agent-lobbying/.

    23. See http://www.huffingtonpost.com/bruce-fein/lies-damn-lies-and-armeni_b_211408.html. Fein is also one of the two attorneys at Turkish American Legal Defense Fund, a project of the Turkish Coalition of America.

    24 See http://archive.pressthink.org/2009/04/12/hesaid_shesaid.html.

    25. See, for example, Christine Chinlund, “Should We Call It a Massacre or a Genocide?” Boston Globe, May 5, 2003. The Globe would announce its change in policy in July 2003.

    26. Rosen, “He Said, She Said Journalism.”

    27. Smith, p. 18.

    28. The repeated statements of unanimous affirmation by the International Association of Genocide Scholars, for instance, go unmentioned.

    29. See “Armenian Claims and Historical Facts,” http://www.mfa.gov.tr/data/DISPOLITIKA/ErmeniIddialari/ArmenianClaimsandHistoricalFacts.pdf. This document is part of the Ministry’s treatment of the “Controversy between Turkey and Armenia about the Events of 1915.”

    30. See, for example, Richard J. Evans, Lying About Hitler (New York: Basic Books, 2001), for a discussion of David Irving’s willingness to acknowledge large numbers of Jewish deaths but not a systematic policy of genocide.

    31. Smith, p. 19.

    32. Yavuz is also the director of the Turkish Coalition of America-funded program “The Origins of Modern Ethnic Cleansing: Collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the Emergence of Nation States in the Balkans and Caucasus” at the University of Utah. For Utah’s announcement of the program, see http://unews.utah.edu/old/p/031009-1.html. The university’s Middle East Center announced in its June 2009 Newsletter (29.2, p. 11) that “TCA has provided a gift of over $900,000.00 to be used towards research and scholarship.” Online at http://www.humis.utah.edu/humis/docs/organization_302_1249062720.pdf.

    33. This does not necessarily mean that the quest for justice for the victims of the genocide and their descendants is not an important force in Armenian Diasporan identity, of course. Obviously one can—and many do—examine the prominence of the genocide in diasporan identity without fostering doubts about the historical facts themselves. See, for example, Anny Bakalian, Armenian-Americans: From Being to Feeling Armenian (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1993).

    34. “Patterns of Denial,” p. 131.

    26 Comments To "Mamigonian: Tlön, Turkey, and the Armenian Genocide
    #1 Comment By Dave On June 4, 2012 @ 9:04 am

    Turkey lies about the Genocide, true. What we must not forget, too, is that Turkey lies about everything.
    That is, its policies, domestic and foreign, are all lies too.
    When Turkey says, for example, that if the Artsakh issue is settled it will open its border with Armenia, how do we know this is true?
    What I am pointing to is a particular propensity to lie. Yes, all states lie, but Turkey lies more, and is more inclined to violent, inhumane behavior.
    This is the culture of the Turkish state.

    #2 Comment By A. Maranci On June 4, 2012 @ 9:35 am

    This is by far the best account I have read about the use of loaded words to convey an impression of “fairness” in reporting while in fact casting doubt on historical truth and replacing it with “uncertainties”. Mr. Mamigonian’s analysis is sharp and his logic impeccable. Should be required reading for all especially Mr. Grove.

    #3 Comment By Richard On June 4, 2012 @ 9:41 am

    Armenians are concentrating too much around 1915 . It is time to write about our history before christianity ,during the time of Tigrane the great or the time of the greatnest of Ani or even the cilician kingdom of Armenia and dispers it to the Odars. Armenians have a number of movie produces now.They should start making movies about those great days of the armenian empire.This will show to the world that armenians didn t just exist only during the Ottoman Empire.

    It is our fault also because we never talk or have programs to show to the world that Armenia existed and was a greater power even before chistianity.

    It is like we have been stuck in 1915 and Armenians never existed before.

    Lets spread out our history to the time of greater days in the past centuries.

    #4 Comment By john the turk On June 4, 2012 @ 10:06 am

    if you want turkey to stop calling it “the so-called armenian genocide”,start a campaign for a proper trial by icj rather than political campaign for recognition can you do it? i do not think so why you can not do it? ask hovannisian he knows the answer he he he he he

    #5 Comment By jda On June 4, 2012 @ 10:44 am


    Perhaps unwittingly, you serve the Turkish policy of denial by implying that to study the Genocide and demand justice, Armenians are somehow ignoring the culture.

    I am sure that Ankara and its moneyed friends here would be giddy at the prospect of endowing Chairs of Armenian culture worldwide on the proviso that Genocide was never mentioned and the geography of Armenia was left off the sylabus.

    Or perhaps we can go a step further to imagine even the Ergun Kirlikovali Institute, dedicated to establishing that Seljuks and Ottomans established a Golden Age for Armenia, something he and his ilk have said in print. All sounds like something Robert Livingstone, Richard Gephardt and Richard Armitage could all support with help from Chevron, Sikorsky and Boeing. All in the name of Brotherhood.

    Both of these related subjects are worthy of study, by a proud proclamation to the world of one, and the insistent denunciation to the same audience of the other.

    Hitler wanted to build a great museum about the Jews and their culture in Berlin when the last Jew was dead. Let’s not make Armenian culture the enemy of Genocide recognition and justice. Our enemies can misuse our culture to deny their continuing efforts to kill the people who made thatculture.

    Richard, you say Armenians concentate ‘too much” on 1915 [through 1923 and beyond]. Which efforts for recognition and justice do you think are excessive? How do they detract from promoting and preserving traditional or older culture, a subject that all ethnicities and nations seem now to ignore as against the world uni-culture of celebrity, consumerism, and consumption?

    #6 Comment By ragnar naess On June 4, 2012 @ 11:51 am

    I am one of the persons who according to many who comment on these pages substitutes “doubt” for straightforward denial. Boyajian who frequently makes comments on these pages once asked me – if I remember correctly – whether I am not sure that I am delaying justice. As a “doubter” I will be expected to answer “I am not sure” and this of course be an important part of my answer. How could I be sure? – - – I was in Erzurum in the beginning of May at what was called “1. uluslararasi türk-Ermeni iliskileri ve büyük gücler sempozioumu” – “The first international Symposium in Turkish-Armenian relations and th Great Powers” and delivered a paper with the title “Convictions and documentation in the Armenian issue”. I ended by suggesting that Turks and Turkey apologize to Armenians for the role of the CUP in the fate of the Ottoman Armenians in 1915. – - – I like Mamigonian’s paper because it captures an important aspect of what Turkish official policies on the Armenian Genocide has been, and still is. —- To all those who have argued against me in the AW earlier, I will say that I have not changed my views except hopefully regarding more through knowledge. However, I have some comments and will try to ask my old questions in a new and hopefully better way.

    Mamigonian starts in the following way:

    It has long been clear—at least since 1950 and the publication of Esat Uras’ Tarihte Ermeniler ve Ermeni Meselesi,2 though, in fact, probably since 1915 itself3—that the Turkish state, with its allies and hirelings,4has sought to construct an alternative history in which, at various times, the Armenians have either not existed, or existed only as a tool of Western imperialist powers threatening the integrity of Turkey or the Ottoman Empire; a history in which the Armenian Genocide cannot be named independent of the words “alleged” or “so-called.” In this sense, the writing of history has served as a continuation of the genocidal process.Unquote

    comment: First I believe attempts to create alternative histories are not something exceptional. One obvious example is how nationalist discourses, backed by strong interests, produce a world-view which may depart more or less completely from what sober-minded and hard working historians hold. For several hundred years the US lived on a myth of the “land and the people” in which the fact that the lands largely were stolen was suppressed because it was not part of the official history. In Norway it gradually dawned upon us in the 1960-ies that until some 300 years ago roughly 30% of our present territory was peopled by the Sami people, who never expressed any wish to be incorporated in Norway, which at that time was a part of Denmark, by the way.—

    I agree 100 percent on what Mamigonian says about the 1916 publication on the “Armenian aspirations and activities”, published in Istanbul. However, there is something in Mamigonian’s script that reminds me of the distinction between “rational” and “magic” use of words. Mamigonian starts by indirectly referring to the genocide as an established fact.

    This is his right and the conviction of a great many historians (allthough I counted some 40 university based scholars who doubt or deny), and quite a number of countries have passed resolutions to this effect, but they are still in a minory. So where do we go from here? My answer is that we have to argue, and argue in detail. But I cannot find anything about the need to argue in Mamigonian’s article. In a way he deals with diagnosis of a situation. Now psychologists can make diagnoses if the patient is willing, but Turkey is not willing to accept the diagnosis. And has the power to reject it. So what de we do then? But how? – - I will try to comment on Mamigonian’s – in many ways – excellent article, but first point out that there may be a lot of force in rightly put questions. As part of my presentation in Erzurum I noted that the book of Kemal Cicek, who is now more or less the official voice of Turkish official historiography – it has been published in Turkish and in German, and will soon appear in English – neglects to comment extensively on Kevorkian’s book from 2006, in which according to my counting some 200 different instances of massacre are described, and not only that, in some 80% of these definite place names are given and even names of perpetrators. How can a historiography which does not account for this – or at least discuss it – be taken seriously? This is one of the things I said. Or should I have said something like “The Genocide is a fact, and it is an established truth, and go an read the relevant books and listen to the historians if you doubt it”. A contribution like the latter would have been an example of magical use of words. And I am afraid that Mamigonian – by not suggesting that one of the answers to this predicament of a denialist Turkey is that one should argue – means that Mamigonian used a kind of magical language. A kind of “second Tlön”?

    #7 Comment By jda On June 4, 2012 @ 11:59 am

    “John” the Turk,

    Let’s take your question and elaborate.

    If some court [again] found the intentional state murder of Armenians to have occurred, or better yet, that it is a an ongoing process which commenced in the 1870′s, what will you do to support enforcement of a decree that it happened, and that historic Armenian lands and wealth be returned with interest?

    Until you are ready to declare with a majority of your countrymen that you will gladly accept the jurisdiction of the court, and the speedy enforcement of its decrees, why should we bother to litigate something everyone except some Turks deny and American defense contractors publically avoid?

    #8 Comment By Alice On June 4, 2012 @ 12:24 pm

    If the world’s leading scholar on genocide, William Shabas (who was also the past president of IAGS), has questioned the appropriateness of labeling the events of 1915 as genocide, then my ‘truth telling impulse’ tells me that the term ‘genocide’ must, indeed, be accompanied by quotations.

    #9 Comment By Gina On June 4, 2012 @ 1:20 pm


    I am afraid, you are either deliberately falsifying what Schabas (not Shabas) has said about the Armenian Genocide or have been unable to comprehend what he has actually said.

    According to Schabas, the term “genocide” is very loaded and should not be applied to every atrocity. The only events in recent history that qualify for the term “genocide” in strict legal sense, he argues, are the Armenian Genocide, the Jewish and Gypsy Holocaust, and the Rwandan Genocide.

    He stated it as clearly as one possibly could. I am not sure what it is that confuses you so. Or should I say, Alice, don’t twist Schabas’ words?

    #10 Comment By Sabrine On June 4, 2012 @ 1:43 pm

    Let us turn to AKCAM whom the author extensively refers to.

    The “clearest expression” that the Armenians were subjected to genocide is the following quote- according to AKCAM: “The Armenian issue pertaining to the Eastern provinces has been solved. Therefore, there is no need to harm the reputation of our nation and government by conducting unnecessary cruelties”.

    The quote continues with the Minister of Interior, Talaat Pasha, expressing the following: “at places where the protection of Armenians could not be provided for, their transfer should be postponed.”

    How can this be deemed as clear evidence of the existence of a genocidal intention? Does this not show that what is presented as ‘evidence’ to substantiate the claim of genocide is highly questionable- to say the least?

    #11 Comment By Karekin On June 4, 2012 @ 1:44 pm

    This is a great piece. Thank you, Mr. Mamigonian. Of course, we have all noticed that those who continually question the veracity of the Armenian genocide, or use code language to avoid it or otherwise discount it are always connected to the Turkish PR apparatus in some way. Whether it’s individuals or states, it’s clear they have been co-opted, their judgements based on dishonest scholarship and their loudest cheerleaders are always sitting in Ankara. They are puppets and the puppet masters are linked to the Turkish government.

    While many of us have noticed this, it’s gratifying to see these lies exposed so clearly in black and white. The question remains…why would any intelligent person, Turkish or otherwise, still support such an anti-intellectual and dishonest campaign? It is something of a mystery. The world has effectively neutralized Germans for Hitler or Italians for Mussolini, but when will Turks finally abandon their love of fascism and Ataturk, along with all the lies he espoused?

    Worse, those who buy into the lies always overlook the fact that 4000+ years of Armenian presence in Asia Minor was effectively brought to an end by the Young Turks and their successors. The proof is in the pudding, and this pudding has no Armenians left in it.

    The evidence that reveals the genocide most clearly – the almost complete disappearance of the Armenians from their own historic lands – could not be more obvious…but when will the liars notice this salient fact, or are they also blind? Of course, they either pretend to be blind or choose to be blind, but we cannot excuse this kind of self-imposed handicap or sympathize with it, because it too is a lie….it is a chosen condition, not an accident of birth or trauma, that allows these characters to reap great benefits from the Turkish state. We, who have been written out of history books by dishonest ‘historians’, cannot be so blind about something so obvious…even a blind person can see it.

    #12 Comment By john the turk On June 4, 2012 @ 2:49 pm


    First of all, If you do not need a Turkish recognition, why you Armenians complain and moan about the Turkish denial everyday?

    If the court delivers a verdict in your favour then the Turkish denial will stop. I do not think that the court is in a position to talk about financial compensation let alone mention about returning a historic Armenian land.But I will definitely support a financial compensation, If the verdict finds an intention of the extermination policy as we are honorable people to honor the findings

    #13 Comment By jda On June 4, 2012 @ 2:55 pm


    Your fastidious refusal to go further than Dr. Schabas is admirable as a general matter, but I think we can relieve you of doubt because the statement you attribute to him was made by someone else, such as maybe Chevron or Richard Gephardt.

    I find Dr. Schabas expressed no doubt as to whether the “events of 1915″ [the official Turkish euphemism for murder, rape, theft, bayoneting children, destruction, burning civilians alive in Churches and barns - you getthe idea] were Genocide, see also from Wikipedia:

    “Schabas argues that the legal term “genocide” is a loaded one that should not be used to describe every atrocity involving mass killings. In the strict legal sense, the only true “genocides” in recent history, he argues, were the Armenian Genocide, the Jewish and Gypsy Holocaust, and the Rwandan Genocide. Thus his book, Genocide in International Law: The Crimes of Crimes (Cambridge University Press, 2d ed., 2009), supports the view that Stalin’s atrocities in the Ukraine, the killings of Slav and Soviet citizens under the Nazi occupation, and the Holodomor were not, legally, genocide.[4] The same book treats the Bosnian atrocities as ethnic cleansing and not as genocide, in contrast to the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) which ruled the crimes committed in Srebrenica to constitute genocide.[5] However, it criticizes the United Nations General Assembly for recognizing ethnic cleansing as genocide.”

    Can you cite us a reference?

    If not, are you ready to declare the Genocide a Genocide, rather than some vague, passive voice and obscene formulation Ankara and its PR specialists so love in the place of truth?

    By the way, nice name-selection. Very American-sounding. A few decades late, though.I suggest “Caitlin” for your future efforts.

    #14 Comment By jda On June 4, 2012 @ 2:57 pm

    Is there a Norwegian word for brevity?

    On second thought, there’s not much reason to believe you would know.

    Never mind.

    #15 Comment By Karekin On June 4, 2012 @ 4:10 pm

    The court already delivered a guilty verdict, and it was an Ottoman court, in 1919. On top of that, the key leaders of the CUP – the architects of the genocide – fled Turkey like rats jumping ship, and got their just desserts shortly after. Morever, the International Association of Genocide Scholars..the most celebrated academic organizatioin on the subject, has also issued a decision. Why are these facts routinely ignored? The fact is, outside of the Turkish bubble….truth and honesty prevail, but inside that bubble….there’s alot of hot air and lies, but not much more. Turkey has not learned that you can fool some of the people some of the time, but not all of the people all of the time…especially outside of Turkey.

    #16 Comment By Arshag On June 4, 2012 @ 4:27 pm


    Could you please calarify where you got your totally misleading information from?

    Already back in 2005 The International Association of Genocide Scholars has sent a unanimously approved letter at its Sixth biennal meeting to Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdogan in response his call for “an impartial study by historians’ concerning the fate of the Armenian people in the Ottoman Empire during World War I”.

    This is the text of the letter:


    President: Robert Melson (USA)
    Vice-President: Israel Charny (Israel)
    Secretary-Treasurer: Steven Jacobs (USA)

    Respond to: Robert Melson, Professor of Political Science Purdue University, West Lafayette, IN 47907 USA

    April 6, 2005

    April 6, 2005
    Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan
    TC Easbakanlik
    Ankara, Turkey
    FAX: 90 312 417 0476

    Dear Prime Minister Erdogan:

    We are writing you this open letter in response to your call for an `impartial study by historians’ concerning the fate ofthe Armenian people in the Ottoman Empire during World War I.

    We represent the major body of scholars who study genocide in North America and Europe. We are concerned that in calling for an impartial study of the Armenian Genocide you may not be fully aware of the extent of the scholarly and intellectual record on the Armenian Genocide and how this event conforms to the definition of the United Nations Genocide Convention. We want to underscore that it is not just Armenians who are affirming the Armenian Genocide but it is the overwhelming opinion of scholars who study genocide:

    hundreds of independent scholars, who have no affiliations with governments, and whose work spans many countries and nationalities and the course of decades. The scholarly evidence reveals the following:

    On April 24, 1915, under cover of World War I, the Young Turk government of the Ottoman Empire began a systematic genocide of its Armenian citizens – an unarmed Christian minority population. Morethan a million Armenians were exterminated through direct killing, starvation, torture, and forced death marches. The rest of the Armenian population fled into permanent exile. Thus an ancient civilization was expunged from its homeland of 2,500 years.

    The Armenian Genocide was the most well-known human rights issue of its time and was reported regularly in newspapers across the United States and Europe. The Armenian Genocide is abundantly documented by thousands of official records of the United States and nations around the world including Turkey’s wartime allies Germany, Austria and Hungary, by Ottoman court-martial records, by eyewitness accounts of missionaries and diplomats, by the testimony of survivors, and by decades of historical scholarship.

    The Armenian Genocide is corroborated by the international scholarly, legal, and human rights community:

    1) Polish jurist Raphael Lemkin, when he coined the term genocide in 1944, cited the Turkish extermination of the Armenians and the Nazi extermination of the Jews as defining examples of what he meant by genocide.

    2) The killings of the Armenians is genocide as defined by the 1948 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.

    3) In 1997 the International Association of Genocide Scholars, an organization of the world’s foremost experts on genocide, unanimously passed a formal resolution affirming the Armenian Genocide.

    4) 126 leading scholars of the Holocaust including Elie Wiesel and Yehuda Bauer placed a statement in the New York Times in June 2000 declaring the `incontestable fact of the Armenian Genocide’ and urging western democracies to acknowledge it.

    5) The Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide (Jerusalem), and the Institute for the Study of Genocide (NYC) have affirmed the historical fact of the Armenian Genocide. 6) Leading texts in the international law of genocide such as William A. Schabas’s Genocide in International Law (Cambridge University Press, 2000) cite the Armenian Genocide as a precursor to the Holocaust and as a precedent for the law on crimes against humanity.

    We note that there may be differing interpretations of genocide-how and why the Armenian Genocide happened, but to deny its factual and moral reality as genocide is not to engage in scholarship but in propaganda and efforts to absolve the perpetrator, blame the victims, and erase the ethical meaning of this history.

    We would also note that scholars who advise your government and who are affiliated in other ways with your state-controlled institutions are not impartial. Such so-called `scholars’work to serve the agenda of historical and moral obfuscation when they advise you and the Turkish Parliament on how to deny the Armenian Genocide. In preventing a conference on the Armenian Genocide from taking place at Bogacizi University in Istanbul on May 25, your government revealed its aversion to academic and intellectual freedom-a fundamental condition of democratic society.

    We believe that it is clearly in the interest of the Turkish people and their future as a proud and equal participants in international, democratic discourse to acknowledge the responsibility of a previous government for the genocide of the Armenian people, just as the German government and people have done in the case of the Holocaust.


    Robert Melson

    Robert Melson
    Professor of Political Science
    President, International Association of Genocide Scholars

    Israel Charny
    Vice President, International Association of Genocide Scholars
    Editor in Chief, Encyclopedia of Genocide

    Peter Balakian
    Donald M. and Constance H. Rebar Professor of the Humanities
    Colgate University

    #17 Comment By Sylva-MD-Poetry On June 4, 2012 @ 5:12 pm

    Forget about the genocide
    and let us concentrate on new Armenian generation
    who live in Turkey and they are turkified
    There are two million Armenians
    Let them open their mouth and speak
    They are scared that they will ruin their children’s future…
    Only some can tell to their Armenian friends, “we are Armenian in origin…”
    This is freedom civilized state called Turkey…
    In Arabic they called Tattarruk= Turkification …
    the word should enter Oxford Dictionary soon…
    Let us concentrate on those people to return to their identity…!
    Is the massage clear…
    or you need as well historian…!

    #18 Comment By Boyajian On June 4, 2012 @ 5:33 pm

    Wow Alice, this is unbelievable. You are either misinformed or intentionally misleading others. Schabas clearly affirmed the Armenian Genocide as an atrocity which qualifies to be labeled as such. A simple wikipedia check will help you correct your ‘error.’

    #19 Comment By ragnar naess On June 4, 2012 @ 5:48 pm

    A relevant article by Schabas is found in Middle East Critique, 2011, 20:3, pages 243-269. Title :”Crimes against humanity as a paradigm for International Atrocity crimes”.
    He confirmes that the view that the fate of Armenians in 1915 qualifies as genocide is controvercial. I cite: Use of the label ‘genocide’ to describe the suffering visited upon the Armenians in 1915 remains a matter of controversy.Unquote.—A central part of his texst is the following:
    This article starts from the premise that it may be helpful and constructive to examine the relevant historical events through the lens of crimes against humanity. For reasons that are difficult to comprehend fully, the concept of crimes against humanity seems to lack the unmatched rhetorical power of genocide. In discussions about whether to qualify certain acts as crimes against humanity or genocide, one frequently hears reference to ‘mere
    crimes against humanity’ or ‘only crimes against humanity.’ When former United States President Jimmy Carter described atrocities in Darfur as crimes against humanity rather than genocide, following an October 2007 visit to the region, he was excoriated by American bloggers and conservative websites.Yet crimes against humanity belong squarely within the catalogue of international atrocity crimes where, indeed, their place is probably more central to the entire exercise than that of genocide. The Nazis were prosecuted for crimes against humanity rather than genocide, a fact that suggests there is nothing trivializing about using the former term rather than the latter. Unquote. —– He also says the following:
    But in the context of the Armenian atrocities, and many other situations where the term genocide is at issue, the epithet of ‘denier’ often is employed not with respect to what actually happened but rather about the legal qualification of the events. Accordingly, commentators may be branded as deniers when they disagree about whether or not the term genocide correctly applies to
    facts about which there is broad consensus. Of course, it is impossible to untangle entirely issues of fact and of law. However, the increasing readiness to dismiss any discussion about the appropriateness of the term genocide makes serious scholarly discourse more difficult Unquote.—–The article concludes in the following way:
    The real argument is about reaching some common understanding of historical events. Much of the debate centers upon a description of the events. However, matters of law also are involved, to the extent that they characterize not only the extent of the atrocities but also the intent or policy that lay behind them. The modest suggestion in this article is that it may be easier to agree upon the term crimes against humanity than to admit to genocide, and that this may open a pathway to a shared narrative.unquote.—– I have the greatest respect for William Schabas, but I have difficultiers in following his reasoning. The “need for common understanding” is no argument not to pursue the question of whether genocide was committed in 1915 or not, according to the definition and the precedents given by the verdicts and legal opinions emerging since the late 1990-ies. To argue from the premise of a “need for common understanding” further sounds like proposing a hollow compromise. This of course is unacceptable.
    It is also to my mind next to ridiculous to hold that “the increasing readyness to dismiss any discussion about the appropriateness of the term genocide makes serious scholarly discourse more difficult”. Scholars should to do their work according to their skills and moral conscience, whether this is “difficult” or not. Period

    #20 Comment By Boyajian On June 4, 2012 @ 5:52 pm

    Your point, Mr. Naess? Any clarity you hoped to impart has been lost on me.

    Where are the Armenians, Greeks and Assyrians of Asia Minor? What magical language explains their absence?

    #21 Comment By Boyajian On June 4, 2012 @ 10:02 pm

    Ragnar, surely you realize that when Schabas states: “Use of the label ‘genocide’ to describe the suffering visited upon the Armenians in 1915 remains a matter of controversy” he is simply stating the obvious; that controversy exists over the use of the term, NOT that Schabas himself thinks that the use of the term should be in doubt. Schabas has the commendable (however misguided) motivation of trying to find terminology that leads to a shared narrative and eventually to a resolution of the Armenian-Turkish conflict.

    While this may sound reasonable, Marc Mamigonian has an astute response to Schabas’ suggestion:

    From the ISG newsletter #47 Spring 2012 Issue: “Mislabeling and Demeaning the Armenian Genocide” by Marc Mamigonian, Page 8:

    “In the Middle East Critique article, however, Schabas concludes with the “modest suggestion … that it may be easier to agree upon the term crimes against humanity than to admit to genocide, and that this may open a pathway to a shared narrative.”
    Reading [Scheffer] and Schabas, one might get the idea that the goal of scholarship is a “shared narrative” that is agreeable to perpetrator and victim, denier and denied. After all, what doth it profit a man if he stand for truth and truth stand in the way of creating a shared narrative?”

    It appears that you agree with Mamigonian and against a ‘hollow compromise’ that basically compromises the truth. But the act of ignoring already established history and pursuing ‘the truth’ as if it hasn’t already been established multiple times, is tantamount to compromising the truth 2.

    Can you be sure you have not been duped by the denial camp into thinking there is real doubt about history just because they use ‘magical’ doubt language?

    #22 Comment By Karekin On June 4, 2012 @ 10:12 pm

    Thank you to Arshag for posting the facts.

    #23 Comment By Darwin Jamgochian On June 5, 2012 @ 12:16 am

    Only 21 of 193 United Nations states have stood up to recognize the Armenian Genocide. The latest country to step forward did so more that 5 years ago. Countries of particular note in absention include the democracies of the United States, United Kingdom and Israel.

    #24 Comment By Dave-us On June 5, 2012 @ 12:32 am

    It’s a deep and very complex piece of writing. Well done Mr Mamigonian.
    Karekin, you forgot to mention that after the criminal CUP “fled Turkey like rats jumping ship”, they were condemned to death by the Turks themselves. This is the part that’s difficult to understand. The Turks could have easily denounced these “leaders”, like Italy and Germany did after WWII. That was their “ticket” back to civilization and respect. Instead, they slowly allowed individuals who shared the same bankrupt and immoral ideology to re-instate themselves in their Govt. to re-perpetuate its lies, retarding its democratic development and prestige in the World, reducing its citizens to hostages of their own lies.
    They even went as far as exhuming these condemned traitors in Europe and mockingly entombing them with honor in a place called “liberty Hill”. In a sense, the young Turks simply became very old ones.
    Imagine the Germans erecting a monument to Goebbels,Himmler and Eichmann.

    “Alice and John”, if you’re uncomfortable with using the word genocide, as far as I’m concerned, “mass-murder” will suffice. There are no statute of limitations to either heinous crime.

    #25 Comment By john the turk On June 5, 2012 @ 3:42 am

    You are wrong .1919 trials were held under the Allies occupation and the CUP Leaders caused hundred of thousand of death of the Allies soldiers only a few years ago in Gallipoli before they finally occupied Istanbul.


    Comments By Sukru Server Aya


    Since time is of great value to everyone, in particular for those who reached my ages, I hate to argue with persons, who “do not even know that they don’t know” and prove to have spent no time and effort to research and learn, before they write articles with their absolute shortage of minimal knowledge that scholars must possess.

    Below article is a typical one and I apologize in advance for the time wasted, but I hope you will enjoy seeing “how much naked” these writers are. You will also note that those who warmly send their goodwill comments use their own general knowledge and feelings instead of “technical historical data proven by strong documentation”. Hence, I will not answer the “cocktail of assorted instant-short cut readers’ comments”.

    However, anyone can of course write to the blog, if they can technically prove the opposite of the information herewith shared with you, for the sake of TRUTH and human understanding. I think moderators despise stupid arguments of hatred which has no foundation, other than a psychological satisfaction of a group of people, which pay well to read tales of hatred. I will try to use the shortest terms in a rather dry technical, or better logical level for the easier understanding and judgment by the reader.


    Sukru S. Aya

    Direct Link To The Document:
    Comments By Sukru Aya,3359, Tlön, Turkey, And The Armenian Genocide



    keyifli said...

    1)Why was every single Ottoman official, incarcerated for war crimes during the nearly two-and-a-half years of the Malta Tribunals, finally acquitted?


    2) The “Sick Man of Europe” was on her knees, financially broke and depleted of manpower (thanks to German-directed military mobilization) and needed resources. Why would the empire choose this most inopportune time to target the Armenians, who made the financial wheels turn and were clearly a vital resource to the country?

    3) The “Sick Man of Europe” was on her knees, financially broke. Why would she spend a fortune on resettling the Armenians?

    If the idea was to wipe them out, why didn’t they massacre them on the spot, as the Armenians did with the Turks?

    4) Could the Ottoman Turks have the TECHNOLOGICAL capacity to carry out a government-sponsored genocide on such a grand scale?

    5) If the idea of the resettlement program was to subject the Armenians to a slow, genocidal death, why did so many Armenians survive?

    If there was a true government sponsored policy of extermination, why leave the barely-living starved alive? In short, it all boils down to: how could the great majority...one million out of less than one and a half million... have survived?

    6) Why then, would the Turks fool around by going through the musical chairs of separating the men (remember, the Armenians claim the men were largely unarmed)?

    Also, why were there supposedly so many orphans?

    If a government has in mind to wipe out a race, why leave so many children alive?

    The Armenians didn’t intend to leave the Turkish children alive.

    7) Hitler began by targeting the Jews in Berlin. Why were the Armenians in Istanbul and other cities of the West such as Izmir, left alone for the most part?

    The Armenians say this was because these cities were under too much foreign observation. However, the Ottomans were aware, after generations of being subjected to capitulations, that foreign posts were set up even in the distant corners of the empire... as readily under foreign observation.(American consuls of these out-of-the-way distant provinces, such as Leslie Davis [the genocide-proving “big gun” highlighted in the PBS pro-Armenian programs covered at this site], were among them. In addition, the missionaries were everywhere.)

    8) As a related point, "Talat Pasa allowed the American missionaries to do relief work among the Armenians, in spite of the fact that Turkey and the United States were on the opposing camps during the war.

    How many examples are there in history of a combatant country permitting the citizens of another country fighting in the other camp to stay, feed, cloth and educate the people it is accused of exterminating?

    9) The Armenian perspective never fails to offer the convictions Turkish courts laid out to their own officials immediately after the war, and the Sevres Treaty, which partly proclaimed a large chunk of Eastern Turkey to be part of Armenia.

    For a better proof of judging whether a genocide occurred, one must look at the Treaty of Leninakan (Gümrü) signed (December 3, 1920) by the Armenians and Turks, which closed the book on past ills, foregoing the issue of reparations.

    If the Armenians were truly outraged over the Turks’ Nazi-like evil campaign to exterminate them, how could they have agreed to such terms?

    "If the Ottoman Empire really did commit the crime of genocide from 1915-1919, as Armenians allege, then why would the newly established Armenia turn to the Ottoman Empire for help in 1918, 1919, or 1920?

    10) As yet another follow-up, why didn't Armenian delegate to the Paris Peace Conference, Boghos Nubar Pasha, mention the "genocide" in his January 30, 1919 letter to The Times of London?

    keyifli said...

    Everybody is liar even 124 USA Newspapers but Armenians?

    173.765 e-mails have been sent so far to the Museum in Yerevan to ask for the original documents about genocide.

    After my email to Charles Aznavour,he sent an email to ""Armenian Genocide Museum"" and asked""If they have a single original document about the genocide in the whole museum"".

    The people in the museum did not send any answers to the 169.765 email in last 30 days but they had to answer him.

    They said ""No but the originals are in Ottoman arcieheves and all we have copies which were written with BIC Ballpens""...

    mr.Aznavour has changed his mind suddenly and said

    ""yes Genoside word disturbs me because""
    We haven't decide the date and figures of the victims of the Genocide,yet and we haven't got even a single original documents in the museum.

    He asked some questions to the Museum authorities too.

    -Did turks killed 1.500.000 of us in 1915
    -Did Turks killed 1.500.000 of us from 1890s to 1920s?

    -If they killed us all in 1915 how could they do it when they were fighting in 12 fronts in 1915 including dardanelles war.

    -Even Hitler could kill,burn and bury 1.200.000 Jews in Auchswitz in 3 years with a great technology and man power.

    -If the Turks killed us one by one from 1890s to 1920 why 15.000Armenian public servants in Ottoman empire including Ministers,Ambassadors,Consuls, second Consuls and other servants did not move their even a single finger and warn USA or Europe for the GENOCIDE?

    -How many Armenians have been killed?
    1.750.000 ?
    1.500.000 or 800.000 or 350.000?

    -Where did Turks bury them all?

    -Did anybody find any massgraves in der Zor Syria?

    Aznavour is a clever guy and he saw Armenians losing in every fronts with their foolish accusations..



    Hayk Demoyan


    Suren Manukyan-


    Arpine Bablumyan -


    GenocideMuseum@genocide-museum .am


    scientific-secretary@genocide- museum.am

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