29.1.11

3210) Turkey’s Eurasian Agenda by F. Stephen Larrabee (Rand Corporation)

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Copyright 2011 Center for Strategic and International Studies, The Washington Quarterly. WINTER 2011

F. Stephen Larrabee holds the Distinguished Chair in European Security at the RAND Corporation. He is the author of Troubled Partnership: U.S.—Turkish Relations in an Era of Global Geo-political Change. Research for this article was undertaken while he was a Bosch Visiting Fellow at the Transatlantic Academy in February—March 2010.
In the last two decades, Eurasia has emerged as an area of growing strategic importance for Turkey. Much media attention has been driven by Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East, with Turkey’s rapprochement with Iran and Syria, its close ties to Hamas, and the growing strains in Ankara’s relations with Israel prompting concerns in various Western capitals, including Washington, that Turkey is reorienting its ties away from the West and toward the East.

Yet, Turkey has also pursued important foreign policy initiatives toward Central Asia and the Caucasus.

Ankara’s engagement in these regions represents
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28.1.11

3209) Meet David Holthouse, Premier Paid Liar At The Southern Preposterous Lie Center

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Related Posts
  • Southern Poverty Law Center Apologizes To Professor Guenter Lewy Over Armenian Genocide Charges
  • Prof Guenter Lewy Sues Southern Poverty Law Center And David Holthouse...
  • Lewy Lawsuit Against Southern Poverty Law Center: Genocide Debate: Blood...
  • Labelling "Genocide Denial Websites"
  • An OPEN LETTER To Southern Poverty Law Center and in Particular Mr David Holthouse...

  • (Archived Post Dated July 15, 2010)

    The judge's ruling details the damages SPLC and Holthouse, as the "senior editor" of the woe-fully misnamed "Intelligence Report" did to Lewy.

    Lewy seeked compensatory and punitive damages totaling $8 million.

    Now eight million bucks is chump change to SPLC, which has hundreds of millions in the bank -- nothing "Poverty" about SPLC -- but the interesting thing is that this is the first time that SPLC may be in real danger of paying up for one of their multitude of lies. If successful, even if settled out of court, this will encourage the cannibals of the lawyer tribe to eat one of the richest and fattest of their own in a death of a thousand damage award entrees. Nothing encourages the legal sharks like blood in the water. The race to see who will get SPLC's palatial glass Taj Mahal in Montgomery will be fun to watch.

    Couldn't happen to nicer anal sphincters.

    The lawsuit focuses attention on SPLC's "Intelligence Report" and especially on its "senior editor" David Holthouse.

    Holthouse is no stranger to publicity. A perusal of some of his recent stories indicates the "journalistic standards" he operates by.

    For those of you with first-hand experience of Knob Creek, I draw your attention to Holthouse's 2006 conflationary racist tar baby epic on that event. It will give you a flavor of the "journalism" Holthouse practices. . .
    We'll no doubt be hearing a lot more about David Holthouse. . . Sipsey Street Irregulars


    Southern Poverty Law Center Apologized To Professor Guenter Lewy Over Armenian Genocide Charges : Read More . .
    . . .






    Southern Poverty Law Center and Guenther Lewy controversy

    by pamela barsam brown

    Published: Wednesday January 26, 2011

    Denver - The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) describes itself "as a nonprofit civil rights organization dedicated to fighting hate and bigotry, and to seeking justice for the most vulnerable members of society." It has, for many years, maintained a highly distinguished record on American human rights while it has staunchly supported the historical record on the Armenian genocide.

    But last fall, faced with the threat of a law suit related to its 2008 report on the Armenian genocide, and specifically its reference to a controversial book by retired University of Massachusetts professor Guenther Lewy, SPLC retracted a portion of its findings and issued an extended public apology.

    Subsequently, this SPLC retraction/apology was vehemently challenged by the International Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS) stating, in part, "The apology ignores the unanimous consensus of the International Association of Genocide Scholars that the Armenian case constitutes genocide in accord with all of the acts and intentions stipulated in the UN Genocide Convention. The IAGS has issued several open letters about the definitive conclusions concerning the genocidal facts of this history."

    Richard Cohen, president of the SPLC responded to the IAGS as additional voices of public protest made their way on to the internet.

    Amid these exchanges and on behalf of the Rocky Mountain Hye Advocates (RMHA), I attempted to facilitate bridge-building between the national genocide community and the SPLC.

    Our concern focused on the significance of the Cohen's response to IAGS with its Armenian genocide clarification NOT having been added to the SPLC Web site. The result left this otherwise valiant human rights organization with its earlier retraction/ apology to a Turkish genocide denier Lewy prominently remaining above its 2008 report.

    On December 30, I had an opportunity to discuss the subject with SPLC directly.

    In our telephone conversation, Cohen cordially proceeded to offer his version and commentary on what had transpired between Professor Lewy and the nearly 50-year-old civil rights organization.

    SPLC's 2008 Armenian Genocide report appeared in its Investigative Intelligence Magazine and its newsletter, HATEWATCH.

    That coverage concluded with a quote by Gregory Stanton, president of the International Association of Scholars. He stated, "Denial is the final stage of genocide. It is a continuing attempt to destroy the victim group psychologically and culturally, to deny its members even the memory of the murders of their relatives. That is what the Turkish government today is doing to Armenians around the world."

    Scott Jaschik wrote in Inside Higher Ed on December 20, 2010 that; "Later Stanton, also President of Genocide Watch and a research professor in genocide studies and prevention at George Mason University," commented on the published SPLC retraction saying "he understood the law center's need to settle the lawsuit. We just wish that the statement they agreed to publish in their apology had not repeated Lewy's claim that there was no evidence of 'premeditation' of the Armenian genocide.' He said that statement is "beyond a shadow of a doubt" not true -- and that the Southern Poverty Law Center is helping to suggest otherwise."

    Cohen agreed that Lewy's interpretation of the Armenian genocide is broadly disputed. The fact is this is not the first time that Lewy's off-beat revisionist views on genocide have caused controversy. They are an integral part of his academic reputation.

    David B. MacDonald wrote in his 2008 book Identity Politics in the Age of Genocide that Lewy "actually denies the Armenian genocide in a manner similar to his denial of the American Indian and Roma genocides," and "while the sources he uses are either Turkish or pro-Turkish, Lewy insists that 'debate' is ongoing and there has been no resolution". In part, Lewy maintains, despite documented historical facts, that the genocide was not a government-planned annihilation but a wartime measure.

    But the Lewy legal challenge emerged not from a criticism of his views, but from the SPLC linking him to the Turkish government and lobby. This is where Cohen felt the SPLC language had misrepresented him and owed him an apology.

    Cohen amplified this conclusion by offering his personal view of Lewy. He told me that following a 2005 Lewy visit to Turkey to attend an ‘academic meeting on the Armenian genocide' he found he was in the company of nationalist historical revisionists.

    According to Cohen, Lewy then wrote to his Turkish meeting host saying, "I do not want you to publish my paper with those other papers." Cohen did not volunteer the outcome of Lewy's request.

    Cohen also maintained in an email message the following day that, "I responded to the International Association of Genocide Scholars' letter as a courtesy and as a friend and in the interest of truth. No one ‘forced' me to do it."

    As the SLPC quoted the IAGS in its 2008 Armenian genocide report and cited its longstanding history of activism on behalf of supporting the historical facts of the Armenian genocide - this was really more than just a courtesy.

    Cohen also stated that he had widely disseminated his response to the IAGS. That may be so but it does not appear to have hit its mark as it is NOT available on any WEB site we could find. There is, however, criticism of the genuflecting the SPLC assumed in its overreach to Professor Lewy.

    Cohen is clearly sensitive to the Armenian genocide and during our conversation offered that if he was Armenian and his ancestors had been wiped out by the Turks he would also be enraged.

    And Cohen is clearly uncomfortable with the public criticism this apology has brought to the SPLC. He suggested a review of the SPLC web pages dealing with the Armenian genocide and its tolerance curriculum - ones developed under his early leadership and released nearly ten years ago. They include the following:

    http://www.tolerance.org/magazine/number-22-fall-2002/world-was-silent
    http://www.tolerance.org/activity/tolerance-and-genocide
    SPLC needs to reiterate its Armenian Genocide position

    The SPLC's declared moral imperative is to expose the plans and actions of White Supremacist groups. We at RMHA believe Richard Cohen when he says the 2008 report took the organization off-message.

    Of course, as SPLC President Cohen shapes that message and the SPLC 2002 material on the Armenian genocide was loud and clear on its position and engagement.

    The result remains the SPLC continues to face the reverberations of an inconvenient outcome. While it skirted a law suit it bungled its principled public image.

    This is now, to my mind, NOT a Lewy story but one that is owned by the SPLC under Richard Cohen's leadership. It is time that he and the SPLC Board of Directors recognize this.

    We firmly believe the organization, despite its agreement with Professor Lewy - one that Cohen admitted may have gone too far in its accommodation - should have made a greater effort to secure public coverage of its subsequent IAGS letter.

    In fact, he told the Boston Globe as reported by columnist Alex Beam on January 4, 2011; "I think we would have won the case on summary judgment. We had a defense: Lewy is a public figure and we didn't act with actual malice."

    For both of these missteps, Cohen has left the Lewy story line in place - one that may serve the interests of Professor Lewy and the Turkish lobby but one that is a disservice to the admirable and extraordinary civil liberties record of the SPLC.

    This unsatisfactory conclusion requires the SPLC to reexamine the bitter taste and human distress its missteps have caused the national American Armenian community.

    The SPLC is strongly urged to release another public notice, this time with greater determination and a significant force of staff power, to correct its message on the Armenian genocide and rectify the mess they themselves created.

    After all, the SPLC is, at heart, a human rights organization and its needs to unequivocally speak and act like one.

    Pamela Barsam Brown is the founder and co-editor of Rocky Mountain Hye Advocates [RMHA], a Colorado statewide Armenian genocide advocacy group.


    (c) 2011 Armenian Reporter
    .

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    26.1.11

    3208) People v. Armenian Terrorist Yanikian


    COURT OF APPEAL OF CALIFORNIA, SECOND APPELLATE DISTRICT, DIVISION THREE

    Crim. No. 24571

    1974.CA.40553 ; 114 Cal. Rptr. 188; 39 Cal. App. 3d 366

    May 22, 1974

    THE PEOPLE, PLAINTIFF AND RESPONDENT,
    v.
    GOURGEN MKRTICH YANIKIAN (Kourken Mkrtich (Megerdich) Yanikian (Armenian: Գուրգեն Յանիկյան), DEFENDANT AND APPELLANT

    Superior Court of Santa Barbara County, No. 98612, John A. Westwick, Judge.
    Lindsey & Newman, James T. Lindsey and Vasken Minasian for Defendant and Appellant.
    David D. Minier, District Attorney, for Plaintiff and Respondent.
    Opinion by Potter, J., with Cobey, Acting P. J., and Allport, J., concurring.

    Potter

    Defendant, Gourgen Mkrtich Yanikian, an Armenian by birth, was found guilty by a jury of the first degree murders (Pen. Code, §§ 187, 189) of two Turkish consular officials, which occurred on January 27, 1973, at the Santa Barbara Biltmore Hotel.

    He appeals from the judgment of conviction on each of two counts of first degree murder committed while "armed with and using a deadly weapon -- namely, a firearm."
    . . .

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    Defendant was tried on a plea of not guilty entered by the court when he remained mute at arraignment. Defendant was represented by at least two retained counsel throughout the proceedings. Such counsel were, on more than one occasion, urged by the Presiding Judge of the Superior Court of the County of Santa Barbara to enter a plea of not guilty by reason of insanity. They had been provided with a copy of three reports of Dr. Patterson, a psychiatrist who had examined the defendant in behalf of the prosecution, in which he had stated his impression that defendant had a mental disorder "of such a degree that it forms the motivation for the offense of homicide, and impairs his responsibility under M'Naughton." Despite such urging and the receipt of such information, the plea was not made.

    At the trial defendant made no attempt to dispute the fact that he had committed the two homicides. His defense was based entirely on his claim of diminished capacity.

    In support of this defense, defendant testified at great length in his own behalf. His testimony, which consumes over 600 pages of the trial transcript, detailed his entire personal history practically from his birth in 1895 of Armenian parents in Armenia. In such testimony defendant detailed the harrowing circumstances under which Armenians lived during his early years in light of the alleged official Turkish government policy of genocide against all Armenians. Defendant described numerous traumatic experiences involving alleged atrocities against various close members of his family, including the death of an older brother who was revered by him. Defendant recounted his participation in Armenian counter-activity as a member of a student volunteer group and described seeing gruesome evidence of wholesale massacres of Armenians in the course of those activities.

    Defendant's narrative also included the history of his education in Russia, his becoming an engineer, and his later immigration to Persia where he became successful as proprietor of a large construction company engaged in government contracting. His contribution to the Allied war effort during World War II, in the form of the construction of a vital railroad link, and his donation of his land and water supply for use by the Allied military was related. According to defendant, his later immigration to the United States was facilitated by these contributions to the war effort. He told of his life in the United States, after his arrival in 1946, depicting himself as a person who made substantial contributions to the culture, education and well-being of mankind. His activities included producing and directing stage productions, speaking and writing on matters of public interest, and inventing emergency rescue equipment.

    According to defendant, throughout all this period he retained a consuming interest in focusing world attention upon the great injustice which he believed had been committed against his people by the Turkish government. He read numerous histories presenting the matter from the Armenian point of view including one written by Ambassador Morgenthau. He wrote and spoke extensively on this subject and his burning ambition was to carry out a project to produce a film depicting the massacres, to be shown to world-wide audiences without charge. He was aware of the fact that a major studio had abandoned production of such a movie as a result of diplomatic pressure, so he resolved that he would use his own personal fortune for his purpose. His main reliance for financing this project was on a claim against the government of Iran , growing out of his construction of the railroad during World War II, in respect of which he had not received the final $1 million payment. He finally succeeded in obtaining a judgment in the courts of Iran only to have the Shah forbid satisfaction of the judgment. His further efforts to pressure the Shah, through the American Department of State, were finally cut off by the State Department terminating its consideration of the matter in April 1972.

    According to defendant, this final destruction of his dream of producing the movie to leave a lasting historical imprint caused him to isolate himself for three days in his apartment during which time he went over in his mind the terrible events of his youth and the sufferings of his people caused by the massacre orders allegedly issued by the Turkish government. He came to the realization that he could not focus the light of world attention upon these injustices in the manner he had intended, and that he must seek an alternative method. His decision was to accomplish this by killing two Turkish government officials, thereby to "destroy two evils" and precipitate, through his trial, a public examination of the subject of the massacres of Armenians to the end that all people would benefit by the knowledge.

    This plan, which was conceived in April 1972, was, according to defendant, meticulously implemented over the intervening months between that time and the date of the actual homicides on January 27, 1973. His final plan was to lure the two Turkish consular officials to a cottage at the Santa Barbara Biltmore on the pretext of presenting the Turkish government with some historic memorabilia. He abandoned an original plan under which he would carry out the homicides in the consular offices, on the ground that upon visiting such offices he observed the presence of numerous employees who "might try to be heroes and get hurt." To avoid the risk of harming anyone other than the government officials, defendant devised the plan of having the delivery occur at a Biltmore Hotel cottage in Santa Barbara. The arrangements were completed, the consular officials indicated their concurrence in the plan, and the stage was set for defendant to enact his role.

    Defendant's preparations, as told by him, included disposing of substantially all of his personal effects, including his automobile, and taking with him to the Biltmore various personal items which he did not expect to be able to obtain in jail. He prepared a hollowed-out book to carry his Luger pistol, and took with him another small automatic pistol. The consular officials arrived and defendant carried out his plan. Each of them was felled by bullets from the Luger and while lying face down on the floor each was administered a fatal coup de grace in the head with the smaller pistol.

    To generate maximum public attention, which was the purpose of his act, defendant carefully timed the distribution of a press release explaining his conduct, and of numerous letters to persons of Armenian parentage so that they were received at or about the time the homicides became publicly known. The letters spoke of his personal war against "the Turkish beasts and their government" which would be started by the time the letter was received. The press release expressed his determination to do everything in his power to publicize his act, stating in this connection, "I will ensure that they will arrest me and I will continue to defend my rights before a world court."

    The purpose of all of defendant's testimony was made clear near its conclusion when he denied that he had "killed two men" in the hotel room and insisted that what he did was "destroy two evils" in order to have a symbol with which to focus world attention upon the Armenian massacres. According to defendant, the victims were "not human," and he had not killed, because "I cannot kill."

    Defendant did not retain any expert witness to testify in his behalf with respect to his defense of diminished capacity. He relied upon his own testimony and upon the cross-examination of the psychiatrists employed by the prosecution.

    Two expert witnesses, Drs. Patterson and Von Dedenroth, testified for the prosecution. Dr. Patterson testified on direct examination that defendant had the capacity both to harbor malice aforethought and to premeditate the homicides.

    During cross-examination defendant was permitted to bring out Dr. Patterson's opinion that defendant was suffering from a "mental defect" of a "paranoid" type on the basis of which the witness "did not believe that Mr. Yanikian could truly appreciate the nature and quality of his acts or the consequences thereof," and that the doctor's impression was that defendant "expected to be recognized as some type of hero for his actions." When, however, defense counsel attempted to ask Dr. Patterson concerning his opinion whether defendant was "either sane or insane," the court sustained an objection. Further questions as to other statements on legal sanity included in the three reports Dr. Patterson had submitted were effectively prevented by the court's ruling on defendant's offer to prove, through Dr. Patterson, in respect of defendant's mental defect that "the area of the defect would be in the area of not being able to know right from wrong in the commission of the offense." The court's ruling was that though he would permit evidence of "impairment of his mentality . . . going to show a diminished capacity," he would not permit "any evidence of straight insanity."

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    The effect of the above ruling was to preclude defendant from developing Patterson's impressions, stated in each of these three reports, which bore on the question of legal sanity under the M'Naughton rule.

    The prosecution also produced Dr. Thomas E. Von Dedenroth who gave psychiatric testimony to the effect that defendant was fully capable of both premeditation and malice aforethought. The cross-examination of Dr. Von Dedenroth developed the fact that he was of the opinion that defendant acted on the basis of a "misperception, a mistaken idea that normally would be clear to anyone else" that his acts of homicide "would benefit mankind" and on this basis the witness agreed that defendant did not consider them "simply bad acts." The cross-examination further developed that the doctor considered this a "paranoid reaction" but found no evidence of any disassociative reaction, since there was no indication of loss of understanding or of recall. Dr. Von Dedenroth stated his further opinion that the defendant was fully cognizant that he was killing "two fellow creatures" and not merely destroying two symbols of evil.

    In view of the court's previously stated ruling that it would not permit inquiry into the issue of legal sanity or insanity, the defendant did not attempt to examine Dr. Von Dedenroth on this specific subject.

    Two other matters occurred in the course of the trial which raised evidentiary questions. Defendant sought to verify the authenticity of his version of the massacres of Armenians by reading from Ambassador Henry Morgenthau's book on the subject. Defendant had already made references to reading the book and of acquiring from it some of his knowledge concerning the subject matter. When the prosecution objected to the reading of an excerpt, the court sustained the objection, on the ground that defendant would thereby be "getting this trial into a battle of history books on the cause of this controversy."

    During cross-examination of defendant and in its rebuttal case the prosecution presented certain evidence suggesting sexual impropriety or prurient interest on the part of the defendant in connection with his publication of a collection of interviews with young people relating to their sex habits, entitled "Free Sexism," and an alleged attempt to seduce a cocktail waitress two nights previous to the homicides. The inference which might have been drawn from this evidence was that defendant's life was not entirely devoted to the high purposes which his direct testimony had suggested.

    The prosecution also initiated an attempt to show, through an undercover policewoman, that a collateral purpose of defendant's interviews in the preparation of "Free Sexism" was to provide opportunities for attempted seduction. The court prevented this inquiry from proceeding to a point where the nature of the officer's testimony was apparent.

    The trial court, at the request of both parties, instructed the jury fully on the issue of diminished capacity, including CALJIC instruction No. 8.77. The court also gave CALJIC instruction No. 8.41 on voluntary manslaughter due to diminished capacity, No. 8.48 on involuntary manslaughter due to diminished capacity, and Nos. 8.30 and 8.31 on second degree murder. In addition, at the request of the prosecution, the court gave a special instruction which, though it cited section 1026 of the Penal Code, was in fact based on section 1016 of the Penal Code. This instruction read as follows: "The defendant is conclusively presumed to have been sane at the time the offenses are alleged to have been committed."

    No instruction was given explaining the relationship between such special instruction and the instructions on diminished capacity nor was there any instruction defining "sane" as used in said instruction.

    Issues

    The issues raised by this appeal are as follows:

    1. Did the trial court properly exclude evidence on the issue of defendant's legal sanity?

    2. Were the trial court's instructions on diminished capacity nullified by the special instruction that defendant was conclusively presumed sane?

    3. Was the historical reference erroneously excluded?

    4. Was defendant prejudiced by the reference to sexual matters?

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    Exclusion of Evidence of Legal Insanity

    Defendant argues that though he designedly avoided pleading not guilty by reason of insanity, he should have been permitted to have in evidence Dr. Patterson's opinions, expressed in his written reports, casting doubt upon defendant's legal sanity under the M'Naughton rule because of his inability to appreciate the "wrongfulness" of his act. In his opening brief, defendant cites no authority in support of his position, and relies entirely upon an argument to the effect that "if insanity has any meaning at all, it would seem to include diminished capacity."

    Despite the fact that the authorities supporting the trial court's ruling are cited in respondent's brief, defendant's reply brief states "appellant has been unable to find and thus offer case authority on the psychiatric issues."

    The case authorities which are cited by the People are determinative. In People v. Nicolaus, 65 Cal. 2d 866 [56 Cal. Rptr. 635, 423 P.2d 787], the defendant, during the guilt phase of the trial, sought to rely upon diminished capacity as a defense. To rebut the defense psychiatrists' testimony, the prosecution produced a Dr. Rapaport who testified defendant had the capacity to premeditate and had killed his children (whom he loved) thinking it "was the best for the children" because he "feared in their environment with their mother they would grow up like " and they "were better off dead."

    In cross-examination, defense counsel asked a question of Dr. Rapaport with results as follows: ". . . 'But if he believed that it was not evil, to that extent he didn't appreciate the distinction between right and wrong, did he?' The doctor stated, 'Well, I don't know whether you want to get into the issue of -- ' Here the court interposed the statement, 'We do not. The question is improper.' The trial court was correct. During the guilt phase of the trial the trial court should properly limit the medical testimony to the issue of mental capacity to commit murder in the first degree. Such rule is stated in People v. Wells, supra, 33 Cal. 2d 330, at page 351 [202 P.2d 53]: 'Evidence which tends to show legal insanity (likewise, sanity) is not admissible at the first stage of the trial because it is not pertinent to any issue then being litigated; but competent evidence, other than proof of sanity or insanity, which tends to show that a (then presumed) legally sane defendant either did or did not in fact possess the required specific intent or motive is admissible.'" (65 Cal. 2d at p. 881.)

    There is no logical distinction between the guilt phase of a bifurcated trial where not guilty by reason of insanity is pleaded and a trial on a not guilty plea alone. In each case the law creates the conclusive presumption of legal sanity: in the first case, by section 1026 of the Penal Code; and in the latter case by section 1016.

    Contrary to plaintiff's suggestion that legal logic cannot explain in any rational manner the rule excluding evidence of legal insanity in support of the defense of diminished capacity, such rule is entirely logical. If the issue is legal insanity of the defendant, the burden of proof is upon him to establish it by a preponderance of the evidence. (Evid. Code, §§ 522, 115.) When diminished capacity is the issue, the defendant need only create a reasonable doubt of his capacity to form the requisite intent to commit the crime or degree of crime of which he is charged. Moreover, the consequences of defendant sustaining his position are entirely different. If he is found to be legally insane, he has no criminal responsibility whatever but he may be restrained indefinitely in an institution for the criminally insane. (Pen. Code, § 1026a.) If he is found to have diminished capacity, the seriousness of his offense may be diminished but he is not so institutionalized. In a case of this character, it would be virtually impossible meaningfully to instruct a jury on both of these confusingly similar defenses in respect of which not only the burden but the degree of proof is different and the consequences are widely divergent. The wisdom of the legislation which forecloses placing the jury in this untenable posture can scarcely be questioned.

    The Propriety of the Instructions

    Substantially all of the court's instructions (a) defining the crimes of murder in the first and second degree, voluntary manslaughter and involuntary manslaughter, (b) defining the elements of "malice aforethought," "deliberate" and "premeditated," and (c) explaining diminished capacity in relation thereto were given as requested by both parties, and no question is raised as to their propriety. Defendant urges, however, that the special instruction, to the effect that defendant was conclusively presumed to have been "sane," nullified the instructions on diminished capacity and confused the jury, in the absence of any explanation reconciling defendant's presumed sanity with the possible "mental illness" or "mental defect" referred to in the diminished capacity instructions.

    Neither party has cited any authority bearing on this question. The only case which has come to the attention of this court is People v. Williams, 22 Cal. App. 3d 34 [99 Cal. Rptr. 103]. In that case the defense of diminished capacity was based upon the claim that the defendant was undergoing a psychomotor epileptic attack which, as the court explained it, "would have made him legally insane as well as unconscious of his actions and diminished in capacity for the requisite specific intents." (P. 53.) Under these circumstances the giving of an instruction in substantially identical language as that given in this case, presuming the defendant to be "sane," was held erroneous. The trial court had also given CALJIC instruction No. 3.34 (not given in the case at bar) which was held to constitute "an affirmation by the trial court to be heeded by the jury that the defendant is of sound mind," (p. 51) thus greatly increasing the hazard that the jury would construe the word "sane" in the questioned special instruction as meaning "of sound mind," and have difficulty finding that he suffered from a "mental illness" or a "mental defect." In holding the instruction prejudicially erroneous, the court said at pages 53-54: "The trial court after having given its instruction explaining the two phases of the trial and advising that defendant was to be conclusively presumed sane in the first, then should have defined insanity and clarified the duty and task of the jurors as to their dealings with the concepts of diminished capacity for specific intent and unconsciousness of actions. It is vital that a jury be instructed in clear and unambiguous terms. (People v. Baker, supra, at p. 570.) Absent such an instruction, the danger of equation of soundness or normality of mind with the sanity, which the jurors were told defendant was presumed to have, was present; we cannot be satisfied that such equation was not carried out. [Fn. omitted.]"

    Though there was not nearly so much danger of equating soundness of mind with sanity under the instructions given by the trial court in this case, there was some danger of such interpretation. The jurors' understanding of the word "sane" may have coincided with the dictionary definition which is "mentally sound." (Webster's New Internat. Dict. (2d ed.) p. 2213.) If the word "sane" in the special instruction were so interpreted it would be in conflict with the diminished capacity instructions permitting findings of reduced mental capacity, "caused by mental illness, mental defect or any other cause."

    Under the circumstances the special instruction should have included a caveat to the effect that the presumption of defendant's sanity did not preclude the jury from finding that defendant had substantially diminished capacity caused by mental illness or mental defect in accordance with the instructions on that subject. This would have been a better solution to the matter than attempting to define legal sanity in the context of the evidence in this case.

    It does not appear, however, that any error in this respect resulted in a miscarriage of justice.

    The evidence bearing upon defendant's claim of diminished capacity was virtually uncontradicted, and it overwhelmingly demonstrated that defendant was not suffering from diminished capacity affecting either his ability to premeditate and deliberate or to harbor malice aforethought.

    The essence of defendant's diminished capacity defense was stated by him in answer to a question put to him by his counsel. The question was: "Mr. Yanikian, did you kill two men in that room? A. I no kill anybody.

    I destroy two evils for have symbol with which I want put light in the darkness that we can see what is going around. Why? For me they are not human. I take them from their nation. If I American sacrifice my life for mankind because I know if continue like this mankind would disappear same place when born."

    Two concepts are included in this answer: (a) that as a result of the extreme trauma experienced in his youth and the frustration of his efforts to focus world attention upon the wrongs committed against the Armenian people, defendant considered himself justified in sacrificing both himself and the two representatives of the Turkish government, and (b) that his emotions in this respect so dominated and obscured his understanding that he saw them only as two symbols of evil and not as humans.

    The first premise found ample support in all of the testimony from every source, including both psychiatrists produced by the prosecution. The belief on the part of defendant that his conduct was justified was, however, insufficient to constitute diminished capacity. The other premise that defendant did not see his victims as humans was totally without support in any credible testimony.

    Defendant himself was the witness who most effectively destroyed the premise that he was unable to appreciate that his victims were humans. His testimony demonstrated that this premise was an afterthought conceived subsequent to his commission of the homicides in an attempt to escape responsibility for them. In his testimony respecting his planning of the homicides defendant was asked if "the initial thinking for the killing of two men" commenced in April 1972. Defendant responded as follows: "Mr. Lindsey, you defend me -- thank you very much. You are doing very good job. I am sorry -- remember, I ask you never use this word 'killing.' Despite the fact I did, please."

    Later, in relating his conversation with the victims, immediately prior to the homicides, defendant testified that he said to them: "Now I will destroy you. I will kill you." And, shortly thereafter, describing his administration of a coup de grace to each of the two victims as they lay face down on the floor, defendant's testimony was: "I saw two body on the floor, I went put back this gun, I take other gun, small Browning, and approach. They lie down, and I shoot them two bullets each head. What I did this? I don't want they suffer. I don't want they no suffer. They did their job for their nation. They did job for mankind. I no want they suffer more."

    Finally on the succeeding page of the transcript defendant related his immediately following conversation with the hotel telephone operator whom he asked to call the sheriff, and he testified in this respect: "I think I told, 'I killed two men in my room.'"

    Defendant's own testimony thus clearly showed that he fully understood at the time that his victims were human beings who would suffer and die, even though he also saw them as symbols of an evil government.

    Defendant's testimony in this respect is entirely consistent with that of several other witnesses who had occasion to discuss the homicides with him on the day they were committed. The testimony of each of these witnesses as to what he said stood totally uncontradicted by defendant, and each of them consistently reported that defendant calmly and logically told them that he had killed two men in his hotel room.

    The only conclusion the jury could validly reach on the basis of this testimony was that defendant understood he was taking the lives of two human beings and that he did so because he considered it justified, in the same fashion in which his own personal "sacrifice" was justified. This left the jury no foundation upon which to find defendant was suffering from diminished capacity. His ability to deliberate and to premeditate his crime was demonstrated by his own testimony of the elaborate preparations pursuant to a plan which was executed with logic and precision. Defendant's testimony showed the plan was initiated many months prior to its execution and involved the use of a bait to lure the consular officials to the place chosen by defendant.

    Defendant's malice aforethought was equally manifest. It was questioned solely on the basis of defendant's belief in the moral justification of his act. Such, however, is not a valid basis to question the existence of malice aforethought.

    The relationship between malice aforethought and diminished capacity is clearly and authoritatively explained by Justice Traynor in People v. Conley, 64 Cal. 2d 310, 322 [49 Cal. Rptr. 815, 411 P.2d 911], as follows: "A person capable of achieving such a mental state [premeditation] is normally capable also of comprehending the duty society places on all persons to act within the law. If, despite such awareness, he does an act that is likely to cause serious injury or death to another, he exhibits that wanton disregard for human life or antisocial motivation that constitutes malice aforethought.

    "An intentional act that is highly dangerous to human life, done in disregard of the actor's awareness that society requires him to conform his conduct to the law, is done with malice regardless of the fact that the actor acts without ill will toward his victim or believes that his conduct is justified. In this respect it is immaterial that he does not know that his specific conduct is unlawful, for all persons are presumed to know the law including that which prohibits causing injury or death to another. An awareness of the obligation to act within the general body of laws regulating society, however, is included in the statutory definition of implied malice in terms of an abandoned and malignant heart and in the definition of express malice as the deliberate intention unlawfully to take life.

    "Thus, one who commits euthanasia bears no ill will toward his victim and believes his act is morally justified, but he nonetheless acts with malice if he is able to comprehend that society prohibits his act regardless of his personal belief." (Italics added.)

    The application of this standard to the defendant's conduct in this case is clear. So long as defendant understood that homicide was conduct society did not expect of him, it is immaterial that he may have committed these particular homicides with the highest of motives firmly believing he was justified in doing so.

    The decision of the Supreme Court in People v. Sirhan (1972) 7 Cal. 3d 710 [102 Cal. Rptr. 385, 497 P.2d 1121], in which the facts are strikingly similar to those with which we are dealing here, is an application of the same principle. In that case the court described the testimony of the prosecution's own psychiatrist as follows: ". . . In a report to the district attorney Dr. Pollack stated, 'Sirhan's mental illness was related to his act of assassination in that his paranoid convictions went beyond those of a normal personality in the average citizen . . . . This mental illness should be considered a substantial mitigating factor on the issue of penalty. . . .'

    "Dr. Pollack also testified that defendant believed it was 'good' and 'right' to kill Senator Kennedy and had that belief when he made the entries in his notebooks. Defense counsel then asked, 'As a matter of fact, he felt it was his duty almost to do it, didn't he?', and Dr. Pollack replied, 'Almost, yes. As an Arab he felt that it was his duty, that he would be looked up to by the Arab world and that he would be considered a hero.' . . . Dr. Pollack further testified that defendant did not expect to be punished for his act because in his view Kennedy and others having the senator's views about the Arab-Israel conflict were murderers." (7 Cal. 3d at pp. 725-726.)

    Yet Sirhan was held properly to have been found guilty of murder in the first degree.

    Such application of the rule in Conley, supra, to the criminal conduct of fanatics is highly appropriate. Fanatics of all types, religious, racial and political, abound in the world today. Typically their conduct is characterized by some degree of mental illness by virtue of which they place some purpose or principle above the law and thereby justify disregard of the law. Repudiation of any such basis for excusing or extenuating crime is indispensable to the continuance of organized society under law.

    The evidence overwhelmingly showed that defendant (despite his belief that his conduct was justified) understood that society expected him not to commit homicide. This evidence, which was likewise without conflict, consisted of his own testimony relating to putting his affairs in order in the expectation that he would have a long stay in custody, his press release disclosing his intent that he be arrested and tried, and his statements to the hotel employees upon reporting the homicide to the effect they should arrange to have his bill sent to the jail.

    In light of the foregoing, it is clear that even if the jury had been properly instructed, it could not have reached any other verdict than that defendant was guilty of premeditated murder. The error, if any, in the instruction, therefore, did not result in a miscarriage of justice and the judgment should not be reversed on that ground. (See Cal. Const., art. VI, § 13.)

    The Exclusion of the Historical References

    The court's ruling, which excluded from evidence some 150 pages of Ambassador Morgenthau's historical work on the subject of the Armenian massacres, was not erroneous. It would have been wholly inappropriate to immerse the jury in a contest over the veracity of the various versions of these historical events. Defendant had already testified to what he had read in this reference which had influenced him, and it was his belief, not the facts, which was relevant. There was no error in this respect.

    The Reference to Sexual Matters

    The attempts of the prosecution to cast aspersions upon defendant's character in relation to his personal sexual morality were hardly commendable.

    They were brought on, no doubt, by defendant's extensive excursion into his own great personal contributions to the entertainment, enlightenment and well-being of humanity. These matters do not, however, rise to any substantial violation of defendant's rights. The inquiry into his publication "Free Sexism" was conducted without any objection on defendant's part as was the cross-examination of defendant with respect to the alleged attempt to seduce a cocktail waitress a short time before the homicides occurred. The subsequent attempt to elicit testimony of improper advances to a policewoman, who called upon defendant in the course of undercover activities in relation to his publication "Free Sexism," was stopped by the court before the nature of defendant's alleged conduct in respect of the policewoman was in any respect disclosed to the jury. No misconduct which would justify disturbing the jury verdict occurred in this connection.

    The judgment is affirmed.

    Disposition

    The judgment is affirmed.


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    http://www.iransuper.com/ProviderArticleDetail60428/Page1.htm

    The People Of The State Of California No. 98612 Vs. Gourgen Mkrtich Yanikian - Defendant Updated 23 June 2013


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    25.1.11

    3207) Video: British Concentration Camps / Concentration Camps During The South African / Boer War,1899-1902

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  • Video: British Concentration Camps Watch The Video At The End Of This Post
  • Docs: British Concentration Camps of the South African War 1900-1902 Read The Docs At The End Of This Post



  • © This content Mirrored From  http://armenians-1915.blogspot.com An example of classes and types of British official documents in the Stanford libraries for the study of primary sources.

    The proper strategy consists in inflicting as telling blows as possible on the enemy's army, and then causing the inhabitants so much suffering that they must long for peace, and force the government to demand it. The people must be left with nothing but their eyes to weep with over the war.
    (U.S. Army General Philip Sheridan, advice to Otto Von Bismark, 1870)

    . .

    [Re: Union Army, house burning etc.,: C.O. Confidential Print Africa (South) no. 653 pp. 28-29, 35, 39-40, 42-44. Nov. 1901 = Hoover Library MFILM DT32.A258, reel 115]

    "At Vereeniging [May 1902] Botha stated that he had tried to send [Boer] families in to the British, but they had refused to receive them," writes S.B. Spies, who then quotes a Boer Commandant referring to Boer women and children made refugees by Britain's scorched-earth policy, "Our families are in a pitiable condition and the enemy uses those families to force us to surrender." Spies adds, "and there is little doubt that that was indeed the intention of Kitchener when he had issued instructions that no more families were to be brought into the concentration camps." (1) [W.O. 108/9 file no.1] [W.O. 108/9 file no.3]


    Thomas Pakenham writes of Kichener's policy turn, "No doubt the continued 'hullabaloo' at the death-rate in these concentration camps, and Milner's belated agreement to take over their administration, helped changed K's mind [some time at the end of 1901]. By mid-December at any rate, Kitchener was already circulating all column commanders with instructions not to bring in women and children when they cleared the country, but to leave them with the guerrillas. . . . Viewed as a gesture to Liberals, on the eve of the new session of Parliament at Westminster, it was a shrewd political move. It also made excellent military sense, as it greatly handicapped the guerrillas, now that the drives were in full swing. . . . It was effective precisely because, contrary to the Liberals' convictions, it was less humane than bringing them into camps, though this was of no great concern to K." (2)

    What then were the facts of British policy towards Boer and African civilians during the Boer War of 1899-1902 that leading Boers can complain, in May 1902 (during the meeting of Boer delegates at Vereeninging to negotiate a peace settlement), that the British no longer would take their women and children in to the concentration camps? Seven months earlier Boer leaders (Burger and Reitz) had protested directly to the British government in a letter sent to K. and addressed to the Prime Minister, Lord Salisbury, about the farm clearing and camp conditions. [Cd. 902 p. 121-22]. Six months earlier still in June, 1901, Liberal opposition party leader Campbell-Bannerman, could answer the rhetorical "When is a war not a war?" with "When it is carried on by methods of barbarism in South Africa," referring to those same camps and the policies that created them.


    Even prior to K's order to stop bringing Boer women and children in to the camps (and this order didn't apply to black Africans, caught in British sweeps, who had their own camps and story of death, neglect and war-related suffering), there had been debates among military and Conservative government officials on the efficacy of the camps and the desirability of returning "refugees" to the guerrillas -- aside from the moral debate waged in Britain and in Europe by opposition M.P.s, reformers, and Pro-Boers in and out of Britain. The director of Military Intelligence had reported as early as July 1901 of evidence that leaving women and children on the veldt would necessarily shorten the conflict. [C.O. 417/334, 29838, Henderson to Altham, July 26, 1901]. Milner and Chamberlain also disagreed over whether women and children in the camps should be given the option of leaving the camps. and Milner informed Chamberlain in November 1901 that "even if the war were to come to an end tomorrow, it would not be possible to let people in the concentration camps go back home . . ." [Cd. 903 p. 135 Nov 15 1901, Milner to Chamberlain] K, on the other hand, responding to the above-mentioned November indictment by Burger and Reitz, informed Boer leaders that he presumed this meant that they were prepared to take care of their own, and that he was prepared to send back the women and children as soon as the commandos told him where they would like them. [W.O. 32/871, 7972] K also wrote at this time to Brodrick defending his policy of sweeps, and emphasizing that no new Boer families were being brought in unless they were in danger of starving. [Cd. 902, no.12, p.119-20] About the same time and supporting Milner's viewpoint, the Fawcett Commission report, December 1901, stated:


    to turn 100,000 people now being held in the concentration camps out on the veldt to take care of themselves would be cruelty . . . [p.4] (3)

    The private and public responses of Milner and Chamberlain to the growing debate in England over treatment of the internees recorded in their own papers and official documentary sources form an instructive study in political decision-making, face-saving (who knew what when), and moral rationalizing in a liberal democracy. They also show that moral niceties can frequently be more easily overlooked, both at the individual and governmental levels, so as long as political goals are being met. During this same time, though, Spies writes, "There can be little doubt that Milner and Chamberlain were responsible for injecting the administrative staff of the camps with this sense of urgency" [after the camps were transferred to civilian control in November 1901]. Both the secretary of state and the high commisioner had become extremely concerned about conditions in the concentration camps, and about the consequent unfavorable publicity. Their correspondence shows concern with all aspects of camp administration including such matters as the availability of milk and the nutritional value of rations; remarkable concerns for two of the most prominent figures of the Empire. [Cd. 902] Chamberlain, in the first week of November, impressed upon Brodrick (secretary of war) how serious the matter was . . ." (4) And Chamberlain soon thereafter placed a call for medical officers for the camps and, somewhat later, additional nurses. [C.O. Confidential Print 672, 673]


    An example of the above in Milner's case compares statements made in December 1901 and January 1902 that K's policy of concentartion camps as a "mistake," "blunder," and "sad folly," with the high commissioner's statement to the Cabinet of June 26, 1901 proposing alternatives to K's overall policy where he argues, "The purely aggressive and destructive policy will, sooner or later, have done all it can do. It may yet prove completely successful. " [Cab 41/26 June 21 & 28 1901 = SUL MTXT microfilm n.s. 942]. Spies states that Milner knew first-hand what K was up to prior to the high commisioner's English holiday, May, 1901. (Spies, p. 255-256). When the war continued to drag on, or so at least it seemed to the Cabinet, so they pressed K in October on "the reason which had led Lord Kitchener to a policy of sweeping instead of a policy of reserving protected areas," the latter approach the one emphasized by Milner. (Spies, p. 247). [Cab 41/26, 22 Oct. 29 1901 = SUL MTXT microfilm n.s. 1500]


    Public opinion and political opposition to government civilian policies in South Africa emerged for the first time in Parliament in February 1901 in the instance of an attack on the policy, the government, and the Army by radical Liberal M.P. and leader of the "pro-Boer" pack, Lloyd-George. [Hansard LXXXIX, 397-406, Feb. 18, 1901] Kitchener had succeeded Roberts as commander-in-chief in South Africa November 29, 1900, and though his systematic sweeps of the countryside would not get underway in full-swing until March of the next year, Roberts policy of farm burning had already brought thousands of Boers and black Africans into "refugee camps" established by the Army to hold them.

    In March 1901, just as Kitchener's troops begin to bring tens-of-thousands of "refugees" into the camps, Liberal members of Parliament C.P Scott and John Ellis took up the attack on the camp system and first used the term "concentration camp." [Hansard XC, March 1 1901]. Secretary for war Brodrick replied that the camps were "voluntary" and that inmates went as refugees (which was in some cases true, but not most). Pakenham describes the events in South Africa and this moment: in order to break the stalemate K. initiated plans to "flush out guerrillas in a series of sytematic drives, organized like a sporting shoot, with success defined in a weekly 'bag' of killed, captured and wounded, and to sweep the country bare of everything that could give sustenance to the guerrillas, including women and children. . . . It was the clearance of civilians -- uprooting a whole nation -- that would come to dominate the last phase of the war." Brodrick cabled K for information on March 18; K replied by cable on March 22. [Cd. 819, p. 2-3]


    Responding to these attacks on the Government, secretary of war Brodrick insisted that the interned Boers were "contented and confortable", but still had no firm statistics from Kitchener. [Hansard XC, col. 1026, March 8, 1901] Also: [Hansard XCVI, col. 148, June 27, 1901] In April the Government gave the House of Commons the first statistics on the camps, provided by Kitchener. [Hansard XCII, col. 895-896, April 22, 1901] Also: [Hansard XCIII, col. 407, May 2 & col. 929, May 7, 1901] Extensive statistical tables were published in the Parliamentary Papers [e.g., Cd. 939, 942, 1161], which were picked up and used in anti-British pamphlets on the Continent. [F.O. Confidential Print 7720/39]


    On May 8, 1901, Lord Milner, High Commissioner, South Africa, boarded the Saxon for holiday in England. Emily Hobhouse was also on board, and would from this time on play a key role in the camp question.
    © This content Mirrored From  http://armenians-1915.blogspot.com Milner, unfortunately for both the Boer women and children and the British government, had no time for Miss Hobhouse, a Boer sympathizer and "trouble maker." (Pakenham, p. 531-32, 536+.) On May 24, 1901 the Saxon arrived in England, and Hobhouse got to work: The first week of June 1901 she met with St. John Brodrick at the War Office; and the following week with opposition party leader Campbell-Bannerman. She also talked to anyone else who would listen to her, and many listened to perhaps the only person in England, not in the Army, who had been in the camps. Radical M.P. Ellis is among those that paid attention, and sent a relative out to South Africa on a fact-finding mission. When his representative was refused entry to the camps by Kitchener, "Ellis' instincts were arroused." [Hansard XCV, June 17, 1901] During this time, Hobhouse's 15 page Brunt of War report was distributed to M.Ps. This report and her personal testimony led to C-B's "Methods of barbarism" speech, mentioned above, of June 14, 1901; and to another attack on the Government in the Commons by Lloyd-George on June 17, 1901. Lloyd-George asked, "Why pursue this disgraceful policy, why pursue war against women and children." Six other radicals and one Irish Nationalist joined in his denunciation. [Hansard XCV, 573, June 17, 1901]. During this time C-B showed his own new-found radicalism concerning the War. [Hansard XCV, 583-622, June 17, 1901] Brodrick replied for the Government. [Hansard XCV, 590-597] LG's motion condemning the camps was defeated 252 to 149. [Hansard XCV, 622]


    Then in July complete statistical returns from camps were sent by K., and by August it was clear to Government and Opposition alike that Miss Hobhouse's worst fears were being confirmed (93,940 whites and 24, 457 blacks in "camps of refuge" and the crisis was becoming a catatrophe as the death rates appeared very high. [Cd. 608, Cd. 694]

    Brodrick hoped to defuse the situation by constituting a commission of inquiry, an all-ladies commission, which was quickly selected, and sent out to South Africa in August. The ladies remained in South Africa through early December, at which time they returned to England and quickly issued their findings, which Pakenham calls "constructive and pungent. If B expected a ladylike white wash he was in for a surprise." [Fawcett Report: Cd. 893/1-2]


    Pakenham sums up the affair:

    Of course, they [Fawcett report findings] were of no confort to the government. But Chamberlain had at long last got the message . . . Milner was in theory the man responsible for the camps, but the main decisions (or their absence) had been left to the soldiers, to whom the life or death of the 154,000 Boer and African civilians in the camps rated as an abysmally low priority.

    . . . the terrible mortality figures were at last declining. The commonsense of the Fawcett Commission had a magical effect on the annual death-rate, which was to fall by February to 6 per cent. and soon to 2 per cent., less than the average in Glasgow.

    Ten months after the subject had first been raised in Parliament, Lloyd-George's taunts and CB's harsh words at the Holborn Restaurant had been vindicated. In the interval, at least twenty thousand whites and twelve thousand coloured people had died in the concentration camps, the majority from epidemics of measles and typhoid that could have been avoided.(5)


    Colonial Office official H.W. Just summarized the events, from the government's viewpoint, in a memorandum dated January 16, 1902. It was printed in the C.O. Confidential Print. [C.O. Confidential Print 676]


    Notes

    1) S.B. Spies. Methods of Barbarism: Roberts and Kitchener and Civilians in the Boer Republics January 1900 - May 1902. Cape Town: Human & Rousseau, 1977, p. 260-261. For Sheridan quote see Spies, p.296 and note 76. Return to text

    2) Thomas Pakenham, The Boer War. New York: Avon Books, 1979, p.581. Return to text
    3) For a detailed account over the debate on the release of internees, see Spies, p. 257+. Return to text
    4) Spies, p. 255-56. Return to text

    5) Pakenham, p. 549. Somewhat higher figures for total deaths are given by Spies, p. 265. Return to text



    Compiled by John Rawlings, rawlings at stanford dot edu
    Last modified: June 27, 2005 © Stanford University. Stanford, CA 94305.
    http://www-sul.stanford.edu/depts/ssrg/africa/boers.html


    Video: British Concentration Camps



    Video Details

    The Cape-Dutch (and the British[Milner etc] ) both worked on destroying the Boer identity and started calling themselves and the Boers Afrikaners.

    The reason was twofold, one as Milner wrote "the Boers will never be won in another war, the only way to get rid of them is to destroy their identity"

    The other reason was the Cape-Dutch who wanted the Boer's inheritance for themselves, and to hide the? fact that they were just as much to blame for the murder of the Boer children as the British.

    The Boer population was only 200,000 or less while the Cape-Dutch were around 300,000

    The Children killed was 24,000 and then there were anouther 3,000 woman and men who died, the total being around 27,000

    The Boer TOTAL child polpulation was around 25%, thus 50,000 so with 24,000? dead one can say 50% of the total Boer child population died.

    At the same time NOT one child of the Cape-Dutch(now also so-called Afrikaners) were in those camps nor died, as they were on the side of the British.






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    23.1.11

    3206) Turkish Prime Minister Shoots Himself in the Foot Again by Harut Sassounian & Commentary by Sukru Server Aya

    Commentary on another “Harut Sassounian big mouth TALK”!
    by Sukru Server Aya


    I don’t like to comment on articles stinking animosity or aimed to degrade the other side to uplift writer’s creditability and expose his shallowness in knowledge and documented facts! Hence, I will insert my short comments among the lines, which the writer will react “I do not speak to liars or denialists”! Of course this is a smart way to squeak and not to prove what you have said! The writer addresses Armenian community in USA’s and anything “that pleases their hate, works fine”!

    © This content Mirrored From  http://armenians-1915.blogspot.com Turkish Prime Minister Shoots Himself in the Foot Again
    January 20, 2011
    By Harut Sassounian
    Publisher, The California Courier

    Erdogan embarrasses himself and his government just about every time he opens his mouth! His angry statements, often bewildering and insulting, give Turkey a black eye internationally and provide fresh ammunition to his domestic opponents.

    Shouldn’t a domestic affair interest only the people who voted him into power? You seem to be the “good neighbor that becomes happy” when the neighbor is injured by accident!

    A year ago, the Prime Minister threatened to deport 100,000 Armenians from Turkey, thereby reminding everyone around the world that Ankara’s present leaders are not much different from their bloodthirsty forefathers who deported and killed 1.5 million Armenians during the Genocide of 1915-23.

    Mr. Sassounian has not the habit of reading any SERIOUS history books, he speaks with the old palaver fire! Did you read Nassibian, Dasnabedian, Pastermadjian, Lalaian, Katchaznuni, Vratzian or US Congress and Senate reports or have the courage through my over 2000 evidences on the internet since early 2008, in the blogsite of DECENT Turkish Armenians? If you had read, you could have understood that the Armenian Population in 1914 of 1.4 millions, after killing 1.5 millions (10.000 each day in five months for which you would need 150 stadium size graves dig with hand shovels but NONE ever found) and there is still a balance of 1.414.000 living Armenians on 31.12.1921 according to the US Senate unanimous decision on 22.4.1922!

    I want an explanation how such a colossal number can be killed, when, why, where, who evidenced and saw it. But we have a report (US Archives 184.021/175) of Captain Emory Niles and Mr. Sutherland who traveled over 1500 km in the area and wrote down that it was the “Armenians who killed Moslems in large numbers with refinements of cruelty and the villages were destroyed by Armenians. If this is not enough I have more from General Harbord and many others. Who is lying Mr. Sassounian, you or the U.S. Senate? Stop the palavers and give a DECENT REPLY!
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    21.1.11

    3205) “Brief Assessment of Ravished Armenia Marquee Poster” by Amber Karlins

    ravished armenia: © This content Mirrored From  http://armenians-1915.blogspot.com Notes and Queries Relevant to

    “A Brief Assessment of the Ravished Armenia Marquee Poster” by Amber Karlins; published as a Research Note in the Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies

    19:1 (2010), pgs. 137-145: Filling in Some Gaps and a Call for Information

    Armenian News Network / Groong, December 20, 2010
    by Eugene L. Taylor and Abraham D. Krikorian,
    LONG ISLAND, NEW YORK

    Abstract

    Information on an advertisement for the screening of the film “Ravished Armenia” published as a full page black and white pictorial in The Saturday Evening Post January 18, 1919 confirms that the artist Dan Smith created the dramatic imagery of a brutish man brandishing a sword, gripping a struggling girl, and that he used as a model a work by the French sculptor and artist Emmanuel Fremiet of a gorilla carrying off a female. Dan Smith clearly states on this work “AFTER E. Fremiet.” Some recent reproductions of a color movie poster showcasing “Ravished Armenia” are not as easy to read, perhaps because of the color and size of reproduction constraints. Our research presented here supplements and broadens Amber Karlins’ “A Brief Assessment of the Ravished Armenia Marquee Poster” and at the same time
    . . raises a number of unanswered questions. Film historian and movie expert Anthony Slide has done much to expand our data base on “Ravished Armenia.” Even so, some matters of special interest to us have not been covered by him in very much detail. We have wondered who ‘really’ wrote the screenplay, or even whether there may have been two ‘screenplays’ or ‘scenarios’ written for the movie. The ‘original’ scenario credits Nora Waln, the publicity secretary of the American Committee for Armenian and Syrian Relief, and for a period, the editor of its News Bulletin. (She later became an acclaimed author.) Frederic (sometimes spelled with a ck) Chapin was shortly after credited as screenwriter. Were both involved in writing/polishing the screenplay “scenario? All indications are that Miss Waln’s version was the first, and that Chapin was given/took credit for some modifications, embellishments (?) and/or variations. (Perhaps buying the movie rights by Gates prompted the ‘takeover’ of the screenplay?) We suggest as a working hypothesis that there were two (perhaps only slightly varying) versions of the scenario. We hope that film enthusiasts and scholars will be able to keep this possibility in mind as they pursue matters relating to “Ravished Armenia.” In the interest of broadening awareness of recent literature relevant to the “Ravished Armenia” movie poster, we also draw attention to the publications of two experts concerning very different elements portrayed in, or conveyed by the poster (both in the context, and out of the context of the Armenian genocide). Attention is also drawn to a 2009 volume by Armen Khandjian that presents enormous amounts of information, profusely illustrated, relevant to Aurora Mardiganian and “Ravished Armenia.” In the course of our research we have acquired a fair amount of information on “Ravished Armenia” especially through access to the several printings ‘editions’ and even translations of the book. It was only considerably after our paying special attention to printed materials that we learned of the ‘newly discovered’ film fragment and the movie poster. In the course of our “Ravished Armenia” work, and in true serendipitous fashion, we came across an essentially overlooked photograph showing an early stage of the “deportation” process as it unfolded or progressed in Kharpert. Interestingly, only the initial softcover edition of the “Ravished Armenia” book uses the photograph as a frontispiece. Serendipity made our convoluted journey well worth while. We also ask at several points in this communication some questions which someone ‘out there’ might hopefully be able to address.

    “Serendipity :- Serendip, a former name for Sri Lanka + ity







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    18.1.11

    3204) Armenian-Turkish Couple Ties The Knot After 6 Years Of Waiting

    © This content Mirrored From  http://armenians-1915.blogspot.com
    The love of a Turkish man and an Armenian woman finally found its happy ending with a marriage that came after six years of waiting.

    Armenian Hermina Dalmazyan met Muhammet Ali Şimşek six years ago when she arrived in the Black Sea province of Trabzon’s Of district to visit her sister. Şimşek proposed to Dalmazyan soon after and she said yes. However, were unable to get married for six years due to bureaucratic obstacles. The years-long efforts of a local governor have finally paid off, and the civil marriage of the couple recently took place. . .

    Şimşek’s first marriage ended when his wife died in a flood six years ago. He had four children from the marriage. He met Dalmazyan, who came to visit her sister, that year. Falling in love with her, Şimşek proposed to the woman and received an affirmative response. Dalmazyan moved into Şimşek’s house, where he lived with his four children and ill mother. Due to financial problems, the Armenian woman could not go back to her country to get the documents necessary for a civil marriage.

    In the meantime, Dalmazyan converted to Islam, heavily affected by the sound of the azan, the call to prayer, and changed her name to Ayşe. Despite all odds, she did not leave Şimşek’s family with the support of her neighbors. The couple had two kids, named Fatma and Muhammet.

    A letter changed the lives of the couple. The governor of Of, Tuncay Sonel, sent a letter to the children of Şimşek’s first marriage as part of a project focusing on children without one or both parents. When he visited their house to give the children the presents they wanted, the governor learned about the situation and initiated procedures for the couple’s marriage. Following official letters, Dalmazyan earned Turkish citizenship and took the name of Ayşe.

    The wedding ceremony took place according to the local traditions. The marriage witnesses of the couple were Governor Sonel and Of Müfti Mehmet Genç.

    “Ayşe sees the children as her own. We were happy to witness that. We worked for their civil marriage, and finally the bureaucratic procedures were completed and their civil marriage was executed,” the governor said during the ceremony.

    The groom wept during the ceremony. “This happiness is something else. I cannot hold it in my heart. Thank God that my children have a mother now. This is a very different emotion,” he told the Anatolia news agency. When he was asked about his sorrows, he responded, “I established a family 19 years ago and 2005 was the year of destruction, but 2011 is a year of happiness and peace for me.” Şimşek said his wife decided to convert to Islam after she saw him praying. Her mother also decided to become Muslim following her one-month visit.

    Dalmazyan, now Ayşe Şimşek, who had been married and divorced in her native land, said her sister introduced her to Şimşek. “I met Şimşek, who spoke honestly. I liked him and accepted his proposal,” she said.

    Ayşe Şimşek said that in Armenia they do not look after the husband’s mother and do not do much work in the garden, either. She said she felt alone in the beginning but learned everything gradually.

    The bride speaks Turkish with the local accent.

    The four children from Şimşek’s first marriage say their mother looks after them very well and they love her.


    17 January 2011 / TODAY’S ZAMAN, ISTANBUL



    Comments From Hetq.am Readers
    Armen_yan Says:
    January 18th, 2011
    Hmmm..couldn’t find a man with 4 children and sick mother to look after in Armenia? How desperate and ugly she must’ve been! Good luck until the next flood)))

    zohrab Says:
    January 18th, 2011
    a huge mistake in her life down the track she will find out

    John from Canada Says:
    January 18th, 2011
    This lady married a Turk, and converted to Islam…can you say traitor?
    This turkish man might be a very nice man, and God Bless him, however, don’t we as Armenians have an obligation to our ancesters and religion…aren’t some things bigger than such cowardice? shame on this Armenian woman…good riddance…

    MIHRAN Says:
    January 18th, 2011
    WHAT A SHAME !!!!I WISH TO GET AN UPDATE ABOUT HIS MARRIAGE IN ABOUT 5 YEARS !!!

    Kristine Says:
    January 19th, 2011
    She converted and then her mother visited and converted… what kind of made up BS is this. Yeah, couldn’t find a mother in law to take care of in Armenia. That’s like saying couldn’t find a drop of water in the ocean.

    Grish Begian Says:
    January 19th, 2011
    …One more Armenian added to Faithful Turkish population>>>>I like to see some Armenian men bring some Muslim Turkish girls into Armenia, and and convert them to Christianity, and teach them Armenian heritage…we have more “raped” Armenian women in Turkey, than any other nations!!I wonder why she could not find a single Turkish man, rather than a Muslim man with 4 children…does she act as a nanny??And I am happy that Turkish border is closed…




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    14.1.11

    3203) American Perception Of The Turks Historical Record by Cagri Erhan

     world according to the americans© This content Mirrored From  http://armenians-1915.blogspot.com ABSTRACT
    Turkish-American diplomatic relations, since its foundation in the first half of the nineteenth century, was conducted within a friendly atmosphere. Two countries never entered into wars with each other, or became members of opposing alliances. Trade relations, too, flourished during the nineteenth and early twentieths centuries; especially, Turkish traditional goods have been widely exported to the United States. In spite of fairly warm political and economic relations, Turkish image in the United States has not been able to keep up with this. Importing negative images about the Turks, Turkey and Islam from the European writers, the American people initially developed prejudicial Turkish image. These negative images further developed during the rebellions of the Ottoman Empire's non-Muslim subjects against the Turkish rule, and, despite the Turkish efforts to the contrary, carried over to he Republican period. This article evaluates the emergence of the Turkish image in the United States during the late eighteenth century onwards, in order to find underlining causes of negative American perception of the Turks.

    KEYWORDS
    Turkey; the United States; Turkish image; Ottoman Empire; Missionaries; Armenians
    . . .



    Ankara University Journal Database


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